The borough of Malmesbury, ‘very pleasantly situated on an eminence’ in the hundred of the same name, comprised the parish of the Abbey and parts (known as ‘in-parishes’) of St. Paul, Malmesbury and St. Mary, Westport. According to the boundary commissioners, it was
not a place of any trade, and not a considerable thoroughfare ... There are no new buildings in the suburbs, nor any indications of increasing prosperity: a cloth factory was established above 20 years ago; but it is now abandoned and has been converted into a corn mill. It contains very few houses which appear to be occupied by persons of independent circumstances, and has altogether the air of a place on the decline; it must now be considered as an entirely agricultural town.
Pigot’s Commercial Dir. (1830), 803; PP (1830-1), x. 85; (1831-2), xl. 107; VCH Wilts. xiv. 146.
Its poverty was reflected in the composition of the corporation, whose elderly and for the most part illiterate members were almost all labourers, though there were also a number of craftsmen.
Pitt returned paying guests, who were of a generally ministerialist bent, though on occasion they acted independently. Thus, at the instance of the 4th earl of Rosebery, the Scots Charles Forbes, an East India agent and former Member for Beverley, and Kirkman Finlay, a Glasgow merchant and former representative of his native burgh, were elected by all 13 voters at the general election of 1818, as they were again two years later. However, Finlay was soon replaced by the London attorney William Leake, former Member for Mitchell, at a by-election in June 1820, when ten corporators were present (one of the three absentees being dead).
During the speculation about the possibility of a dissolution in the autumn of 1825, the Devizes Gazette commented that ‘the very learned and independent electors of Malmesbury will "do as they are bid"’.
so far, however, as Mr. Pitt (the patron) having rendered himself obnoxious to the immaculate voters, we have good information for stating, that if he were to introduce ‘Little Waddington’
Presumably the radical bill sticker and alleged child molester Samuel Waddington: see The Times, 10, 19 Apr. 1823. as a fit object for their choice, he would without doubt be elected.
This assertion was made to counteract the effect of a curious affair which came before the Bow Street magistrates on 31 May. One William Collins of Clapham Road argued that, as Pitt was unpopular with the electors, anyone ‘who would feel inclined to advance £1,700 to redeem a bond which Mr. Pitt held of the corporation for that amount would be certain of being returned’. Acting on behalf of Lieutenant-Colonel Burgess Carnac of the Life Guards, Collins had intended to go to Malmesbury to negotiate with the publican William Robins Seale, ‘the leading and influential man in the corporation’, but he claimed, in order to explain why he had apparently decamped with Carnac’s money, that he had been threatened and robbed of it by Seale’s nephew. Collins was acquitted of theft through lack of evidence, and it was supposed by the paper that Carnac had got his money back, and that the story, which evidently had some factual validity in it, had been carefully glossed over.
Alderman Matthew Wood of London presented and endorsed the surprisingly pro-reform petition of the corporators of the ‘snug borough’ of Malmesbury, 11 Feb., and John Wood, Member for Preston, brought up another anti-slavery petition, 21 Feb. 1831.
from the fear that, in the course of the discussion, the public would become acquainted with a most distressing circumstance; namely, that many of the leading burgesses in that corporation had received parish relief, under the title of alms. We hear that the reason why so few public meetings have been held in the borough of late is that it is many years since they have had a mayor that could either read or write.
Devizes Gazette, 3 Mar. 1831.
However, a reform petition from the gentry and clergy of the town and vicinity was presented by Benett, 18 Mar.
At the general election of 1831 there were high expectations of the emergence of a reform candidate. This eventually proved to be ‘Scrope of Castle Combe’, presumably the geologist George Julius Poulett Scrope†, who also contested Chippenham at this election (though in the House, 30 July, Sir Charles Forbes identified him as his brother, Charles Poulett Thomson*). Pitt proposed the sitting Members to the 13 electors, ‘several of whom experienced considerable difficulty pronouncing the un-English word Forbes, otherwise than Fobs, Hobs, Foorbes, Foards, Sir John Foarbs, etc.’ Their opponent
was also proposed, and his energetic and close appeal to the electors, in which he gave a complete exposé of borough trafficking, enlivened by the introduction of ludicrous anecdotes connected therewith, produced an electrifying effect on a most crowded assemblage of persons, and elicited an universal expression of applause. The hooting, gibes and taunts which were bestowed on the corporation, were almost past endurance.
Another report of the violent mood of the crowd described how
whether owing to the indignity offered to the inhabitants by the non-appearance of the two Members, or to the imputation cast upon the veracity of a dozen of their independent and respectable townsmen, the effigies of Sir Charles and his son, one bearing a label with the inscription ‘Oh what shall I do!’, the other with ‘Oh I do deserve it!’ were on the evening of the election paraded and flogged through the streets, accompanied by an immense multitude of spectators; and, amidst the din of as discordant sounds as ever proceeded from the human voice, these two worthy personages were then consigned to the flames.
Devizes Gazette, 5, 19 May; Salisbury Jnl. 9 May 1831; Malmesbury Old Corporation, court book; Bird, 222, 223.
Presumably following Pitt’s instructions, the four capital burgesses who had votes for Cricklade plumped for the supposed anti-reformer Thomas Calley* at the election there in early May.
Here are 13 burgesses, forming a corporation, who regularly sell themselves, at so much a year, to an individual and, at his command, not only elect his nominees, but swear on the oath of God that they receive no pay for their votes; when it is notorious that they have an annuity, and a present to boot for them.
Nathaniel Partridge of Stroud, who had nominated Poulett Scrope at the election, stated that he ‘little imagined that the capital burgesses would expose themselves to so much derision ... Really, the downright ignorance and stupidity of these burgesses exceeded any thing I could have imagined’.
John Croker cited the treatment of Malmesbury as an example of ministerial inconsistency in a debate on the reintroduced reform bill, 19 July 1831. On the motion to include it in schedule B, 30 July, Sir Charles Forbes made a robust speech in its defence, claiming that he was as independent a Member as those for London, Middlesex or Westminster. This drew the riposte from Reynolds Moreton, Member for Gloucestershire, that he was so independent that the electors were ignorant of who he was. Forbes then explained the circumstances of the recent election, concluding that it was not surprising that his opponent had failed with the voters, ‘when one of the arguments he urged to them was that that should be the last time of their returning two Members to Parliament’. Gordon, who declared that ‘if ever there was a borough which deserved the name of a nomination or a corrupt or rotten borough, it is this’ and that Forbes ‘represents only himself and his own money’, then described the system of bribes, which were now again reduced to £30:
When an election is expected, the 13 constituents of this borough are invited to a dinner. They are first plentifully served with a repast consisting of beef and pudding, or some such viands; after which a plate apparently containing nothing but a cheesecake, is placed before each burgess, on raising up which confection, certain bank notes, to the amount of £30, make their appearance. The honest electors, of course, are perfectly ignorant of the course of this proceeding, but, notwithstanding, manage to convey this sum without observation to their pockets and when the election takes place vote for their entertainers.
Forbes indignantly denied the allegations about the ‘cheesecake dinners’, which Gordon admitted he could not prove, and amid signs of impatience from other speakers, the partial disfranchisement of the borough was agreed without a division. A petition from the inhabitants in favour of the reform bill was presented to the Lords by Lord Radnor, 3 Oct. 1831.
With 637 houses, of which 170 were valued at £10 or more, and paying assessed taxes of £346, Malmesbury was placed 65th on the final list of condemned boroughs and was duly deprived of one of its seats by the Reform Act. Its boundaries were extended to include the out-parishes of St. Paul, Malmesbury and St. Mary, Westport, as well as eight other parishes.
in the corporation
Qualified voters: 13
Population: 1322 (1821); 1424 (1831)
