NORTON, Sir Gregory, 1st bt. (1594-1652), of Charlton, Wantage, Berks., Hampden, Bucks., Covent Garden, Mdx. and Richmond, Surr.

Sir Gregory Norton came from an ancient Kentish family.50Mdx. Pedigrees, 114 His grandfather, John Norton of Wyerton in Boughton Monchelsea, married a daughter of his neighbour Sir Anthony St Leger, and like his in-laws and another neighbour and kinsman Edward Waterhouse, engaged in the administration of Ireland.51Vis. Berks. 116; Mdx. Pedigrees, 115. Active in Connaught by 1581, five years later he was constable of Athlone Castle.52CSP Ire. 1574-1585, pp. 312, 512; 1586-8. pp. 23-4, 41. An ‘undertaker’ in Irish lands, owed money by the crown, he appears to have died in Ireland in 1597.53CSP Ire. 1588-92, pp. 128, 233, 389; 1596-7, p. 289. Over the same period John’s second son Dudley rose from serving Edward Waterhouse to being right-hand man to successive administrators in Dublin, while one Gregory Norton, plausibly a kinsman, was an infantry officer in the kingdom for 30 years until his retirement in 1610.54CSP Ire. 1574-85, p. 496; 1588-92, pp. 75, 119, 227, 298, 569; 1592-6, pp. 254, 289; 1601-3, pp. 17, 48, 488, 525; 1608-10, pp. 126-7, 511.

Meanwhile John’s eldest son Henry, our MP’s father, appears to have remained in England, at least latterly in the proximity of the royal court, having perhaps already signed over his interest in Wyerton to the St Legers.55J. Philpott, Villare Cantiarum (1659), 107. In the early 1590s he was living near Richmond palace: he and his wife Elizabeth Nelston or Nelson were married at St Mary’s, Merton, in 1591 and had their sons Horden and Gregory baptised there, respectively in April 1593 and December 1594. When, three days before he was buried there in January 1595, Henry was asked on his deathbed what provision he wished to make for his wife, he reportedly replied that ‘all his money was gone and that it was not much he had’.56St Mary, Merton, par. reg.; PROB11/86/629. However, his sons presumably still had expectations from their grandfather. By December 1597 the wardship of John Norton’s heir had been promised to the lord chief justice of Ireland, Sir Robert Gardiner, but during the reign of James I it was one Elizabeth Sowch or Zouch who, as guardian (and mother?) of Horden and Gregory Norton, was involved in litigation on their behalf over the manor of Collishall, Kent.57SP63/201, f. 201; C2/JasI/N1/67. This casts uncertainty over whether the brothers were brought up in England or in Ireland, where their uncle Dudley – except for a period from 1608 when he was secretary to the lord treasurer, Robert Cecil†, 1st earl of Salisbury – was successively an army paymaster, secretary of state, chancellor of the exchequer and, from 1628 to his retirement and death in 1634, a privy councillor.58APC 1597-8, p. 212; 1598-9, pp. 600-1, 660-1; CSP Ire. 1598-9, pp. 425, 488, 498; 1608-10, pp. 53, 511; 1611-14, p. 269; 1615-25, p. 1; 1625-32, p. 20; 1633-47, p. 55; 1647-60, p. 127; HMC Salisbury ix. 115, 430. Whatever the case, the success of Sir Dudley (knighted in 1615) probably shaped and assisted Gregory’s career.59Shaw, Knights of Eng. ii. 155.

That career is difficult to delineate exactly. There is no indication of the future MP receiving higher education. Like Sir Dudley (in 1598), Gregory (in 1629) was a late entrant to Gray’s Inn, admitted on the same day as others with Irish connections and with no indication of serious intention to study.60GI Admiss. 94, 188. Through his marriage in 1620 to the widowed Martha Gunter – whose father had in his 1614 will made unusually generous provision for his female descendants – he had acquired an estate in Sussex, probably adding it to a manor in Penn, Buckinghamshire, inherited from his short-lived elder brother Horden.61St Gregory by St Paul, London, par. reg.; Berry, Suss. Pedigrees, 13; Suss. Manors, i. 126; Bodl. Rawl. A.246, f. 111v; PROB11/124/503 (Bradshawe Drewe); VCH Bucks. iii. 238. But he also possessed, or soon acquired, other property, interests and status the basis or provenance of which is not always clear. It was from Charlton in Berkshire, near his mother’s place of origin, that, as the father of two small children, he signed a return to the heralds’ visitation in 1623.62Vis. Berks. 116; IGI. In April 1624 he was in Dublin when he received a baronetcy, suggesting substantial funds and at least a modicum of social standing or some notable public service – although there were those who later seized on the perception that he was ‘one whose means were not answerable to his title’.63CB; W. Winstanley, The Loyall Martyrology (1665), 130; The True Characters of the Judges (1661), 4 (E.1080.15). In 1626 he was in Sussex, when a writ under the privy seal was directed to him to raise £40, yet it was as a late resident of Burnham in Buckinghamshire that in 1627 his tax liability was first recorded as lying in Middlesex.64E401/2586, p. 541; E115/285/73; E115/284/33; E115/285/56.

In the late 1620s and early 1630s he was based largely in London.65WPL, F355-6; Bodl. Bankes 62, ff. 55-8; Rushworth, Hist. Collns. ii. 290. His son Henry Norton* was baptised at St Andrew, Holborn, in January 1633.66St Andrew, Holborn, London, par. reg. Despite the death of his uncle Sir Dudley in 1634, residence in the metropolis may have helped him that year to become a gentleman pensioner, under the captaincy of Theophilus Howard, 2nd earl of Suffolk.67Badminton, Beaufort Archives, Fm H2/4/1, f. 17v. Yet his horizons were much wider. In 1633 he and his wife and acquired the wardship of her nephew Francis Drew, and with it interests in Devon.68Coventry Docquets, 328. Having acquired the manor of Stokenham in the county, in 1637 Norton was appointed to its commission of the peace. 69C231/5, p. 301; CCSP v. 41. By 1638 he was in litigation to enforce a grant of land in Worcestershire.70E134/13ChasI/Trin2; C5/594/149. His links with Ireland still not severed, in the late 1630s he was an agent for Henry Power, 1st Viscount Valentia, in receiving money from the latter’s interest in the soap monopoly.71CSP Dom. 1637-8, p. 299; 1637-8, p. 407. The relationship was close enough to warrant the baptism of one of his daughters – in Sussex in May 1637 – under the names Grisell Valentia.72Funtington par. reg. (IGI).

Norton’s political and religious views during this decade do not appear. He was approached for money to finance the first bishops’ war in April 1639, but his response is unclear.73CSP Dom. 1639, p. 83. In 1640 he was added to the commission of the peace for Sussex and, unlike in Devon, participated in sessions.74W. Suss. RO, QR/W44, 47, 48, 49; Suss. QSOB 1642-9, 18. On the other hand, he was described as of Hampden in Buckinghamshire in August that year, while in 1641 and into 1642 he was liable for taxation in the royal household, revealing that his post there was more than simply token.75E214/377, 378; E115/281/40; E115/283/113; E115/284/103; E115/285/145. Later, Clement Walker alleged that Norton ‘gave a man £20 to wait on the king in his place as a pensioner when [Charles] demanded the Five Members’ on 4 January 1642, but the veracity of this is unknown.76C. Walker, Anarchia Anglicana (1649), 49.

Once civil war broke out, however, Norton was immediately engaged for Parliament. In September 1642 the Houses appointed him receiver of plate in Midhurst and Chichester.77PA, MP3/9/42; CJ ii. 750; LJ v. 338. In the autumn of 1643 he was dropped from the commission of the peace in royalist-controlled Devon, while on 19 October the Commons asked Parliament’s commander-in-chief, Robert Devereux, 3rd earl of Essex, to grant Norton a commission to raise troops in Sussex for service in the Isle of Wight.78Docquets of Letters Patent ed. Black, 103-4; CJ iii. 281b. The following June he was appointed to the Island’s committee, and in October 1644 he was one of two leading signatories to a petition from its inhabitants to the Lords seeking enhancement of the lodgings of its governor, Philip Herbert*, 4th earl of Pembroke (who was perhaps not entirely co-incidentally, erstwhile chamberlain of the royal household).79CJ iii. 536-7; LJ vii. 32a.

Meanwhile, in July Norton and Humphrey Edwardes*, another former gentleman pensioner and, as became evident, his closest friend, petitioned the Lords that they be compensated for losses incurred from their having lost their positions at court; the petition was recommended to the Commons, who referred it to the Committee for Revenue.80LJ vi. 643b-44a; CJ iii. 568a. Marking what has been described as ‘a more radical swing in Westminster’s local government’, both men were added on 4 August to the Westminster and Middlesex sequestrations committee.81Merritt, Westminster, 158-9; CJ iii. 580a; LJ vi. 663a. In September 1645 Norton was granted £1,000 out of such delinquents’ estates as he should discover, and the sequestered house of Sir Roger Palmer* at Charing Cross; he also received payments from the Committee for Revenue.82CJ iv. 269b; LJ vii. 583b, 588b, 590b; CCC 25; SC6/Chas. 1/1663 m. 11d; Preston Manor, Brighton, Thomas-Stanford collection, Misc. 90; SC6/Chas. 1.1664 m. 19d; SC6/Chas. 1/1665 n. 21d.; SC6/Chas. 1/1666 m. 17r. The local impact of his activities is suggested by the fact that, in the context of sessions in April 1645 when some trouble-makers were had up for ‘scandalising’ the militia committee, one Walter Poolehouse was indicted on charges of assaulting and wounding Norton.83Merritt, Westminster, 160.

By 10 October 1645 Norton had been returned to Parliament as a recruiter MP for Midhurst, almost certainly with support from the borough’s other Member, the zealot William Cawley I*, and the Sussex county committee.84Perfect Passages no. 51 (8-15 Oct. 1645), 403 (E.266.2). According to one newspaper, he was regarded as being ‘an honest well-affected gentleman’, whose estate ‘hath flown willingly for the service of the public’, but his popularity may also have been enhanced by his promise to secure a renewal of the borough’s charter; a later account claimed he delivered the document to the eminent lawyer John Selden*, only for it then to disappear.85The City-Scout no. 12 (7-14 Oct. 1645), 3 (E.304.25); W. Suss. RO, COWDRAY/28. Norton took the Covenant at Westminster on 29 October.86CJ iv. 326a. In the next six months he was named to only three committees, but they were significant ones, dominated by Independents, including those to oversee the work of the Presbyterian Committee of Accounts (13 Dec. 1645) – against which Cawley was campaigning – and to consider the ordinance for the execution of martial law (1 Jan. 1646).87CJ iv. 362a, 376a, 394b.

Norton vanished from the Journal between the beginning of 1646 and 24 April that year, when he was named to a committee concerning assessments for Ireland.88CJ iv. 521a He was then appointed (7 May) to the Star Chamber Committee of Irish Affairs (SCCIA) as the Independents attempted to take control.89Supra, ‘Irish Committees’; CJ iv. 532a; LJ viii. 305a. He became a regular attender in the latter half of 1646 and early 1647, during which time he was named to other parliamentary committees dealing with Irish matters, and made occasional reports from the SCCIA to the Commons.90CSP Ire. 1633-47, 496-530; Add. 46930, f. 24; SP63/266, f. 16; HMC Lisle vi. 565; CJ iv. 641b; v. 68a. In January 1647 the Derby House Committee of Irish Affairs suggested appointing Norton a privy councillor for Ireland, as his uncle had been, although it seems that he did not leave England.91CSP Ire. 1647-60, 727-8.

Norton’s appointment to the SCCIA coincided with his becoming a member of the vestry of the fashionable Westminster parish of St Martin-in-the-Fields, where he was to prove a regular attender.92WCA, F2002, f. 146; Merritt, Westminster, 170. In the next two years he was named to a few committees on religion which cumulatively hint at, but hardly of themselves establish, a propensity to religious Presbyterianism. These concerned the new church proposed at Tuthill Fields (4 Aug. 1646); the fast sermon by William Dell attacking his fellow preacher, Presbyterian minister Christopher Love (12 Dec.); complaints about lay preachers (31 Dec.); restraint on ‘malignant ministers’ (22 Mar. 1647); and the repair of churches (10 Jan. 1648).93CJ iv. 632a; v. 10b, 35a, 119b, 425a; ‘William Dell’, Oxford DNB.

On the other hand, as Norton was seen more frequently in the Journal, his allegiance to political Independency became more apparent. There were a clutch of committee nominations in the summer and autumn of 1646 where his stance is difficult to determine – notable among them the committees for the regulation of committees (20 June) and of the law courts (21 Oct.).94CJ iv. 583a, 666b, 678b, 701b, 710b. But his appointments to the joint committee to meet Scottish Covenanter leader Archibald Campbell, marquess of Argyll (25 June 1646), and to the committee to consider the commissions of major-generals like newly-elected Member Edward Massie* (10 Oct. 1646), should probably be construed in the context of Independent efforts to undermine the Presbyterians.95CJ iv. 587a, 690a. On 25 December Norton, who had recently been added to the privileges committee (16 Dec.), was a teller with Sir Peter Wentworth* in an unsuccessful attempt to block any mention of the Covenant in the Commons resolution concerning the king.96CJ v. 14b, 28a.

In 1647 Norton was restored to the commission of the peace in Devon, above all, it seems, because of a shortage of politically reliable candidates; what little part he did play in affairs there between then and his death did not receive local endorsement.97Devon RO, DQS 28/2; Roberts, Restoration and Recovery, 40; M. Wolffe, Gentry Leaders in Peace and War (1997), 268, n. 26. Simultaneously named as an assessment commissioner for other counties where he had property interests, he later became a justice of the peace there too, but his focus of interest appears to have remained in the capital.98A. and O.; C193/13/3, ff. 4, 13v, 41, 62, 64. Residence in Westminster involved Norton in issues relating to London, including the attempt to raise a loan of £200,000 from the City in September 1646.99CJ iv. 632a, 663a. Among committee nominations in the spring of 1647, Norton probably represented the Independent minority on the committee which discussed the ordinance giving the Presbyterian-dominated City control of the militia across the capital (2 Apr.).100CJ v. 90a, 122b, 125a, 132b. As agitation in the army intensified, Norton was named to committees regarding land settlement on General Sir Thomas Fairfax* (11 May), the suppression of royalist pamphlets (11 May), a petition from Independent peer Edmund Sheffield, 2nd earl of Mulgrave (13 May), and meeting the Scottish commissioners (6 June).101CJ v. 167a, 167b, 170b, 200b. His last recorded appearance in the Commons before the forcing of the Houses saw him added to the committee to prepare a declaration concerning the growing threat to Parliament from the soldiers in Westminster (19 June).102CJ v. 217a. Norton was evidently still in London until at least 3 July, when the Lords heard a petition on his behalf.103LJ ix. 313a. However, when the Independent members of the Commons fled to the army following the Presbyterian coup at Westminster of late July, Norton joined them, and signed the declaration which they issued on 4 August.104LJ ix. 385b; Rushworth, Hist. Collns. vii. 755.

Some time after the Presbyterian coup had been crushed, Norton returned to Westminster. Placed on a committee addressing debased coinage (2 Sept.), the following day he was on the committee to appoint Robert Hammond governor of the Isle of Wight.105CJ v. 289b; 291a. Norton and Edwards headed the MPs placed on the reformed, and Independent-dominated, militia committee in Westminster (9 Sept.), and were to remain actively involved in it.106CJ v. 299a, 518b, 527b. Norton also re-engaged with the SCCIA.107CSP Ire. 1633-47, p. 742; 1647-60, pp. 7-11; SP63/266, ff. 34, 44, 68, 70, 70v, 77; F. Willoughby, Baron Willoughby of Parham, The Humble Remonstrance (1649), 8. He was, however, named to only one more committee before the end of the year – that to raise revenue for Charles, elector palatine (30 Oct.), considered by some a potential alternative figurehead – and was absent from the Journal in November and December.108CJ v. 346a. Possibly this bore some relation to Parliament’s attempts to negotiate with the king in the face of army agitation.

Following the Vote of No Addresses, ostensibly rejecting further negotiation, Norton reappeared to be included on the committee for grievances (4 Jan. 1648).109CJ v. 417a. He received two more nominations that month, but this looks like only a qualified renewal of commitment to the House, since there is no sign of him in February.110CJ v. 425a, 447b. In March he re-emerged with some force: among three nominations on 8 March was one to the important standing committee for petitions.111CJ v. 486a. The following week he was a teller with radical Denis Bond* against the (by now) conciliatory Sir John Evelyn* of Wiltshire and Sir John Danvers* and carried a motion placing in the hands of Fairfax permission for Catholics to compound under the Articles for the surrender of Oxford.112CJ v. 501b. On 28 March he was for the first time given responsibility for preparing an ordinance – to widen the scope of those liable to pay assessments to fund the Westminster militia to include all Members of both Houses – while in April he was involved in complementary activity with regard to Southwark (12 Apr.) and attempts to counter the influence of the Presbyterian City.113CJ v. 518b, 527b, 537b, 546a. After 27 April, however, amid mounting agitation in London and the outbreak of royalist insurrection, Norton left no mark on the records of either the Commons or the SCCIA. On 14 June he was granted leave to go to the country and on 26 September his absence from the House was excused.114CJ v. 600a; vi. 33b.

Norton returned to Westminster within a week of Pride’s Purge as an unequivocal Independent. On 13 December he was named to the committee to bring in business and two days later to that investigating the printed protests of the secluded Members; drawing on his court experience, he was also the first Member added to the Committee for Revenue for the purpose of selecting servants to attend the king (15 Dec.).115CJ vi. 96b, 97b, 98a. This was followed over the next few weeks by appointment to many of the most important executive committees: the Committee for Compounding (18 Dec.), the Derby House Committee (6 Jan. 1649), the Army Committee (6 Jan.), the Committee for Advance of Money (6 Jan.) and the Committee for Plundered Ministers (6 Jan.).116CJ vi. 99a, 101b, 107b, 110a, 112b, 113b; LJ x. 632b, 633a. If he indeed took on 20 December the dissent from the vote of 5 December (for a personal treaty with the king), Norton was in the vanguard of those who endorsed the Rump’s new order, although he was also recorded as taking it on 1 February, once the regicide was a fait accompli.117PA, Ms CJ xxxiii, pp. 473-4, 625; [W. Prynne], A Full Declaration of the True State of the Secluded Members Case (1660), 21, 23 (E.1013.22). Also on 20 December he was a teller for the radical minority position that unsuccessfully sought to prevent a move to seek information from Fairfax regarding the imprisoned Members.118CJ vi. 101a. Appointed on 23 December to the committee to consider proceedings against the king, and on 6 January 1649 as a commissioner for the trial, he attended all four days in Westminster Hall, all but two sessions in the painted chamber, and signed the death warrant.119CJ vi. 103a; Muddiman, Trial, 76, 88-9, 96, 103, 195-228.

During the six months following the execution of the king, Norton was a prominent member of the Commons, receiving an unprecedented (for him) number of committee nominations, and he was also an active member of both the Committee for Revenue and the Army Committee.120Berks. RO, D/ELl/O5/17-18; SP28/59, ff. 40, 110, 319, 329; SP28/60, ff. 72, 78, 422; SP28/61, ff. 89, 91; Add. 63788B, ff. 47, 50, 66, 70. The scope of his appointments was fairly wide. A number concerned the establishment of the new regime: the review of commissions of the peace (8 Feb.) and the records of the House of Lords (19 Mar.); the committee of complaints (26 Feb.); and – critically – the preparation of the act abolishing the monarchy (7 Mar.).121CJ vi. 134a, 151a, 158a, 168b. In late spring he was named to the Committee for Indemnity (29 May).122CJ vi. 219b. Norton’s London interests probably lay behind his membership of committees dealing with mercantile matters, including the curbing of food prices, and with the regulation of City government.123CJ vi. 127a, 127b, 171a, 179b, 187b, 216a, 247b He was also involved in key financial areas like the bills for constituting the committee of accounts (2 Mar.) and the sale of fee farm rents (9 Mar., 3 Apr.).124CJ vi. 154a, 160b, 178b.

Yet Norton’s radicalism had its limits and his financial motives were suspect. With Pembroke’s heir, Philip Sidney*, Viscount Lisle, he was a teller in favour of considering further petitions from condemned royalists like Henry Rich, 1st earl of Holland, James Hamilton, 1st duke of Hamilton, and Arthur Capell*, 1st Baron Capell (7 Mar.).125CJ vi. 158b. A member of the committee for appeals in sequestrations (19 Mar.), Norton continued to receive payments out of the discoveries he made regarding the estates of delinquents, who were residing around him at Westminster in increasing numbers.126CCAM 1051, 1060, 1121; SC6/Chas. 1/1667 m. 20; SC6/Chas. 1/1668 m. 15; SC6/Chas. 1/1669 m. 14; Merritt, Westminster, 206. His receipts from such sources were questioned by contemporaries, whose claims that he received more than the £1,000 ordered to him in 1644 rumbled on even after his death.127CCAM 1122-3. Later critics claimed that Norton, ‘a man of no considerable fortune’, took Richmond House, as well as ‘much of the king’s goods’; there were suspicions he had acquired them for next to nothing, but equally, there is evidence of his having incurred debt at this time.128The True Character of those bloody barbarous persons (1661), 4; Noble, Regicides, ii. 102; SP46/108, f. 184; CCAM 1121.

As regards religion, Norton’s position was not entirely clear-cut. Still a vestry member at St Martin-in-the-Fields, he was named to a committee to nullify the campaign against the new government by Presbyterian London ministers (3 Feb. 1649).129CJ vi. 131b; Merritt, Westminster, 170. He was added to committees to investigate disaffected preaching in Oxford (14 April) and for Westminster College (24 May), and placed on that to consider the contentious question of tithes (18 May), but beyond the likelihood that such issues mattered to him, his stance does not appear.130CJ vi. 187a, 211b, 216a. In May 1649, perhaps as part of activity on the Committee for Plundered Ministers, he and Harbert Morley* were party to arrangements for money to be paid to a minister at Felpham, Sussex, from the sequestered clergyman Dr William Cox, but on the other hand the Kentish-born man Norton presented in 1652 to a Derbyshire rectory proved sufficiently conformable to still in post 30 years later.131E214/228; Add. 36792, f. 37; Al. Ox.; Al. Cant.; Clergy of the C. of E. database.

After nomination on 14 July 1649 to the committee dealing with the claims of former officers of the abolished court of wards, Norton disappeared from the Journal and committee meetings for more than six months as the reforming impetus in the House dissipated.132CJ vi. 260a. In the wake of the imposition of the oath of Engagement (2 Jan. 1650), he was briefly visible in Parliament again, in relation to measures to promote preaching in Wales (29 Jan.) and to elect additional members to the council of state (12 Feb.).133CJ vi. 352a, 353b. Thereafter, however, although he continued to be placed on local commissions, there is no indication of his activity in the Commons until after the victory at Worcester (3 Sept. 1651), when he apparently rode the wave of radical enthusiasm. Added the next day to the militia commission in Surrey, on 5 September Norton was appointed to the committee promoting preaching in St Albans.134CSP Dom. 1651, p. 408; CJ vii. 12b. In the last months of the year he resumed his attendance at the Army Committee.135SP28/81, ff. 375, 459, 479, 570, 870, 876, 896.

However, he had had his last nomination in the Commons, perhaps at least partly because of illness. On 12 March 1652 he made his will as a resident of Covent Garden, revealing that he had settled his estates a few days earlier.136PROB11/223/270. His eldest son, Gregory, who had matriculated at Cambridge in 1638, was dead by December 1650, when his second son Henry matriculated at Oxford.137Al. Cant.; Al. Ox. The latter, pronounced ‘unnaturally disobedient’, was left only mortgaged property in Penn, Buckinghamshire, which he would have to redeem. Sir Gregory had vested the rest of his estates in a trustee, his ‘most loving and dear friend’ Humphrey Edwardes, for purposes mentioned in the indentures but probably to the benefit of his wife and executrix.138PROB11/223/270. Norton died a few days later – ‘raving mad’, according to one hostile commentator – and was buried on 26 March at Richmond, as he had wished.139St Mary Magdalene, Richmond par. reg.; The Picture of the Good Old Cause (1660, 669.f.25.57). Dame Martha was evidently on the continent, and did not return to seek probate until after 5 July, when she was in Calais awaiting a crossing.140CSP Dom. 1651-2, p. 319. Three years later she married Robert Gordon, Viscount Kenmure,[S] a leading Scottish royalist.141St Paul, Covent Garden par. reg. Her son Henry succeeded to the baronetcy and in 1659 sat as Member for Petersfield. At the Restoration, Richmond manor, which Norton had acquired from the crown estate, was restored to the queen, while his family sought in vain to rescue portions of the estate forfeit to the crown as belonging to a regicide.142Parl. Intelligencer no. 26 (18-25 June 1660), 416 (E.186.8); LJ xi. 78; CSP Dom. 1660-1, p. 298; 1660-1, p. 344; CCSP v. 41.