PRICE, Charles (1585-1645), of Pilleth, Rad.

Price was a younger son from an established Radnorshire family, and a soldier by trade, serving as muster master in Shropshire and, during the early stages of the Thirty Years War, as an ensign in one of the English regiments in the Netherlands.16Trans. Rad. Soc. xliii. 39. During the 1620s he interrupted his military career to sit as MP for the boroughs of New Radnor, becoming an ally of George Villiers, 1st duke of Buckingham, and a supporter of his anti-Spanish policy; he defended his patron against impeachment in 1628.17HP Commons 1604-1629. In 1625 Price had served as captain of a company of Welsh soldiers sent to Ireland, and he was recalled to Irish service as a captain under the new lord deputy, Viscount Wentworth (Sir Thomas Wentworth†) in June 1633.18CSP Dom. 1623-4, pp. 478, 483; 1633-4, p. 113.

Price soon became a close associate of Wentworth. His election for Belfast in the Irish parliament of 1634 was probably as a government candidate, as he had no obvious connection with the borough.19CSP Ire. 1633-47, p. 63; H. Kearney, Strafford in Ireland (Cambridge, 1989), 250-1. Price’s frequent visits to London gave him the opportunity to keep Wentworth abreast of developments at court. In December 1635 the lord keeper, Sir Thomas Coventry†, wrote to Wentworth that ‘your servant Captain Price is now with us, and I assure you is not silent in any thing that concerns your honour, and in truth serves you freely with his tongue and protests he will not fail to do it with his sword’.20Strafforde Letters, i. 503, 517. In a letter of February 1636 the lord deputy responded to Price’s warnings of the court intrigue against him with the wry comment that he fully expected to be ‘so bloodily traduced as to be made the author’ of both the death (from old age) of the 4th earl of Clanricarde and the council of war’s death sentence against Lord Mountnorris.21CSP Ire. 1633-47, p. 122-3. Price was in Dublin in 1638 when he laid claim, in a petition to the king, to the estate of his hapless kinsmen, the Prices of Mynachdy, which he had redeemed from mortgage.22CSP Dom. 1638-9, p. 264. It was later alleged that he had unlawfully taken possession of the lands and forced the payment of rents to him by ‘threats and terror’.23E112/278/39. Despite his strong connections with the court, and with Wentworth in particular, Price took no known part in the first bishops’ war of 1639, and in May of that year was busy arranging the transport of ammunition to Ireland.24CSP Dom. 1639, p. 274; M.C. Fissel, The Bishops’ Wars (Cambridge, 1994), 25.

In the elections for the Short Parliament in the spring of 1640, Price was returned for Radnorshire instead of the boroughs. His experience was acknowledged when he was at once named to a committee to hold a conference with the Lords (16 Apr.); on 25 April he was asked to appoint the House’s reporters for another conference; and at the end of the month he was appointed to the committees for trade petitions and the regulation of apparel (30 Apr.), and went on to speak on the latter.25CJ ii. 4a, 17a; Aston’s Diary, 80, 99. On 1 May he was named to committees on the needlemakers and steel-wire drawers' bill and the bill to reform abuses in the ecclesiastical courts.26CJ ii. 17b. It was probably Charles Price (rather than the inexperienced Herbert Prise) who took part in debates during this Parliament. His tone was conciliatory, seeking to moderate the Commons’ demands to find common ground with the king. Thus on 23 April he spoke in favour of a motion to substitute the phrase ‘innovation in church discipline’ for the wider term ‘religion’ in the House’s statement on ecclesiastical reform; and the next day he asked whether the clergy would be prepared to ‘treat upon’ the controversial new Canons rather than see them annulled altogether.27Aston’s Diary, 44, 52. On 28 April he supported an act of oblivion, saying that ‘all the business of the commonwealth depends upon this move’ and that it should not be allowed ‘to divide the Lords and us’.28Aston’s Diary, 80. On 2 May Price proposed that the House present the king with a petition and a bill granting supply simultaneously: ‘to present in one hand our grievances, in another our thankfulness’.29Aston’s Diary, 121; Procs. 1640, 188. He followed this on 4 May with a defence of Ship Money as ‘the child of want, of necessity’ and urged MPs to grant supply to the king, but spread over a period of time: ‘vote now four subsidies, next year four more, third year again four more’.30Aston’s Diary, 133. There is no firm evidence for Price’s involvement in the second bishops’ war later in the year, but it may be significant that he drew up his will on 3 September, and included in it the hope that God would ‘preserve me from the fury of war’.31PROB11/196/406.

In the elections for the Long Parliament, Price was again returned for Radnorshire. He was named to the committee of privileges on 6 November 1640.32CJ ii. 20b. Three days later he came to the rescue of Sir William Widdrington*, who had dared to call the Scots ‘invading rebels’, telling the House that Widdrington’s ‘whole estate was under the Scots’ power’.33Rushworth, Hist. Collns. iv. 38. He was himself in hot water on 11 November when Sir John Pakington, in his attack on the secretary of state, Sir Francis Windebanke*, attributed his most damning piece of evidence, concerning words spoken by the secretary condemning the refusers of Ship Money, to Price’s testimony. Price at first accused Pakington of making a mistake, as ‘he was young and might forget’, but after further questioning eventually ‘confessed that Secretary Windebanke said that all which paid not Ship Money were traitors’.34D’Ewes (N), 26-7, 30; Procs. LP i. 98, 101, 103. The House expressed its ‘distaste’ that Price had been so economical with the truth; but when he ‘in his place stood up, and said he was sorry that he spoke any such words as might distaste the House … the House did rest satisfied’, and he was not called to the bar.35CJ ii. 26b.

After this humiliation, Price seems to have been absent from the House for over a month. He had returned by 17 December, when he was named to the committee on the petition of one of Archbishop William Laud’s victims, Dr John Bastwick.36CJ ii. 52b. In the new year of 1641 Price was twice added to the committee for the impeachment of his old friend Viscount Wentworth (now 1st earl of Strafford) when it considered specific pieces of evidence: the commissions issued to the 5th earl of Worcester and his son (29 Jan.), and the complaint against Sir Thomas Danby (5 Feb.).37CJ ii. 75b, 79b. Discussion of the Danby case soon became bad- tempered, and some remarks by Price led to a violent response by Sir Simonds D’Ewes and his friends: ‘we fell upon Mr Price his words again and divers called him to the bar, but he stood up and excused himself; and asked pardon of the House which was granted accordingly’.38D’Ewes (N), 329. When on 20 March Price used the Latin tag Hodie tibi cras mihi (‘Today to you, tomorrow to me’) in a debate about the House’s allowing examination of MPs in Strafford’s trial, he was again threatened with being called to the bar. This time D’Ewes argued against taking the matter further, although he concluded his speech with the dismissive remark that ‘he did but judge himself’.39D’Ewes (N), 515. Despite the controversy that surrounded him, on 24 March Price was added to the committee of regulation for Strafford’s trial, and on 2 April he was named by John Pym to the delegation of Members attending the trial on the House’s orders.40CJ ii. 112b, 115b. Price naturally voted against Strafford’s attainder on 21 April.41Rushworth, Hist. Collns. iv. 249; Procs. LP iv. 42.

Price took the Protestation on 3 May 1641, but during the weeks that followed continued to support the king and his policies.42CJ ii. 133a. On 27 May was teller for the noes with another Straffordian, Edward Kyrton, when the House divided on whether the bill to abolish the episcopacy should receive a second reading.43CJ ii. 159a; Procs. LP iv. 606, 614. On 4 June he objected to the coining of plate to raise funds, ‘a new way ... which our ancestors had never used’.44Procs. LP iv. 720. On 26 June, when Walter Cradock delivered a petition calling on the House to advance the gospel in Wales, Price joined a handful of Welsh MPs who ‘showed that the said Mr Cradock had preached strange doctrines’ and should not be countenanced.45Procs. LP v. 363. Price was named to the committee to review the remuneration of poll money collectors on 3 July, and was the House’s messenger to the Lords on 27 August to desire another conference about a recess, which was granted.46CJ ii. 197b, 174a; LJ iv. 380a. On 30 August he was named to the committee to consider the Hertfordshire freeholders’ petition.47CJ ii. 276a.

The reconvening of Parliament in October was closely followed by news of the outbreak of rebellion in Ireland – a matter of obvious concern to Price. On 9 November he was named to a committee to investigate a proposal by a group of merchants to import Spanish currency into Ireland.48CJ ii. 309a. On 12 November he was supported by D’Ewes when there was some reluctance to accord ‘a place of employment according to his merit’ for him in Ireland. D’Ewes described Price as an ‘old soldier and famed experience in the wars and … descended of the ancient British blood’, whose Irish service made him worthy of recommendation to the lord lieutenant of Ireland, Robert Sidney, 2nd earl of Leicester. The speech was effective, and ‘there followed little more opposition’ and the question was then carried ‘without any negative or but two or three’.49D’Ewes (C), 127. Price did not travel to Ireland, but he remained involved in Irish affairs at Westminster. On 3 December he was a messenger to the Lords about a parliamentary delegation to treat with the Scots concerning their intervention in Ireland, but in debate on 11 December he spoke against acceptance of the Scots’ offer of assistance.50LJ iv. 461a; D’Ewes (C), 275. On 27 December a letter from Ireland to Price was read in the chamber, and on the same day he was named to the committee to consider the report on the province of Munster.51CJ ii. 357b. By this time the activities of the London mob was distracting attention from Ireland. On 31 December Price may have been the ‘Mr Price’ who was chosen with Sir Henry Mildmay to go to the king with the House’s wish for a guard, and to request a reply to the Speaker.52CJ ii. 365b.

Price was named for the committee to devise an ordinance on the remuneration of merchants transporting provisions to Ireland (24 Jan. 1642).53CJ ii. 391b. The following day he was again the centre of a row, this time concerning the Hertfordshire petition against the sitting of bishops and Catholic peers in the Lords. Price’s opposition to the petition provoked Edward Wingate* to reveal ‘some ill words’ he had said ‘privately’. ‘God’s wounds!’ Price had allegedly exclaimed, ‘Here is a petition indeed. We must not endure it. Away with it!’54PJ i. 171. On hearing this account, many MPs wanted Price called to the bar, but D’Ewes spoke against it, declaring that ‘he was an old gentleman and, if he had slipped in some words, desired he might be pardoned for that he was an old soldier and was suddenly to depart for Ireland’.55PJ i. 167. Price also defended himself, telling MPs ‘he was very heartily sorry that he had offended the House, but he must confess he hath the ill fortune seldom to please the House’.56PJ i. 161, 167.

Over the next few months, Price’s involvement in the Commons became more sporadic. On 21 April 1642 he was named to the committee to confer with the Lords about preparation made in Denmark to support Charles I.57CJ ii. 535b. On 31 May he was teller for the yeas when the nomination of Dr James Marsh of St Dunstan's-in-the-West to the Westminster Assembly was carried by a single vote.58CJ ii. 595b. On the same day he delivered to the Commons a petition from his kinsman, Samuel Price, who had been promised compensation for losing a substantial estate in Ireland, but without result.59PJ ii. 394. When MPs discussed a response to the king’s letter to the City of London on 18 June, Price tried to delay it, ‘in respect it was of great weight and the House thin and the season late’, but he was overruled by ‘divers hot spirits’ who wanted the matter put to the question immediately.60PJ iii. 102. On 14 July Price was named to the committee to confer with Irish spokesmen on the future of Munster.61CJ ii. 672b. Shortly afterwards he left Westminster to join the king.

On 4 October 1642 Price was disabled from sitting in the Long Parliament when the House gathered from Radnorshire informants that he had ‘put the commission of array in execution; and did call together the train bands, and did propound unto them, whether they would assist the king in this war’.62Add. 18777, f. 21; CJ ii. 793a. Price’s active involvement in the king’s war lasted only a few weeks. On 27 October he was taken prisoner ‘by ruse’ at Presteigne, and Henry Grey*, 1st earl of Stamford, crowing over his capture, dubbed him ‘the great prince of Radnorshire’.63Add. 18777, f. 47; Webb, Memorials i. 186, 188; LJ v. 424b, 426a. Price and his fellow prisoners were confined at Gloucester, during Parliament’s pleasure, on an order of the Commons of 6 November, ratified by the Lords ten days later.64CJ ii. 837a; LJ v. 448a. He was eventually released, and re-joined the royalists at Oxford. On 27 January 1644 he signed the letter of the Oxford Parliament to the parliamentary lord general, Robert Devereux, 3rd earl of Essex.65Rushworth, Hist. Collns. v. 574. Although it is often stated that Price was murdered at Presteigne, after a violent scuffle with another royalist officer, Captain Robert Sandys, in January 1645, it is perhaps more plausible that he was the Major Price killed when the New Model army stormed Priors Hill Fort, outside Bristol, on 15 September of that year.66Parker, Rad. from Civil War to Restoration, 70; Life of Dugdale ed. Hamper, 77; Webb, Memorials, ii. 143; CSP Dom. 1644-5, p. 449.

Price’s will, drafted in 1640, referred to 1,000 acres ‘to be planted in Ireland’ which Strafford ‘was pleased … by his own bounty and goodness to bestow upon me’, although there is no evidence the land ever came into his possession. He valued his Radnorshire lands at a mere £193 6s 6d a year. As he never married and had no children, Price left his lands to his nephew James Price, son of his brother, James Price II†, and other nephews and nieces were the main beneficiaries of bequests amounting to £3,400 in cash and annuities worth £90. He made provision for two sermons at Pilleth chapelry on Ash Wednesday and Good Friday; for a ‘decent monument’ to his parents there, and for repairs; and £16 to the poor of five Radnorshire parishes. In his will, Price’s acknowledged his long-standing friendships among the aristocracy. He left a sword formerly belonging to his old comrade in the Low Countries, the 17th earl of Oxford, to his nephew; a horse to another veteran of the continental wars, ‘my noble lord and dearest friend, Lord Craven’; and money for a ring ‘for his sake that did honour her and her family’ to Lady Coventry. He also appointed Lord Keeper Coventry, Thomas Coventry†, and his ‘noble friend’, Francis Coventry, as his overseers.67PROB11/196/406. In July 1646, soon after probate was granted, his niece Margaret Price, widow, petitioned to compound for his delinquency. No composition was reached until his debtors had been questioned further.68CCC 1387. These included Sir Robert Harley* (who was alleged to owe Price £1,000), Coventry’s son-in-law Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper* (£500), and the Irish treasurer-at-war, Sir Adam Loftus (£2,200 under a bond of 1639).69CCAM 841. In a petition of 14 April 1652 Price’s executors, in pursuit of a debt due from Loftus, claimed that the fine on the estate had been paid, and the estate discharged.70CCAM 841.