CAREY, Valentine (c.1575-1626)

The identity of Carey’s father is unclear. John Chamberlain reported hearing that Carey was ‘a base son ... of the old Lord Chamberlain Hunsdon’, while Sir John Throckmorton considered him the illegitimate son of the ‘old earl [sic] of Hunsdon’.21 Chamberlain Letters ed. N.E. McClure, i. 486; HMC Downshire, iv. 260. It seems likely that Carey was the son of Henry Carey^†, 1st Lord Hunsdon, lord chamberlain from 1585 until his death in 1596, but he could have been fathered by Hunsdon’s eldest son George Carey^†, 2nd Lord Hunsdon, who served as lord chamberlain between 1596 and 1603. In 1623 Carey recalled having once lived with ‘Sir George Carey, Lord Hunsdon’ at the latter’s house in Blackfriars.22 The Eagle, xvii. 151.

Carey was born at Berwick-upon-Tweed,23 N and Q (ser. 3), vi. 217; The Eagle, xvii. 150. probably during the mid 1570s, as he matriculated in 1585. The 1st Lord Hunsdon was then governor of Berwick, at around which time George Carey, then in his early twenties, was in attendance upon his father.24 HP Commons 1558-1603, i. 548. Although illegitimate, Carey was afforded a university education, being sent to Christ’s College, which gave preference to students from northern counties. However, as a sizar he was expected to carry out menial chores for the other students. At that time Christ’s was a centre for training puritan ministers,25 S.A. Bondos-Greene, ‘End of an Era: Camb. Puritanism and the Christ’s Coll. Election of 1609’, HJ, xxv. 198. and although Carey wished to enter the Church himself, his religious inclinations were conformist. (He once described the surplice as ‘the armour of light’ enjoined by the apostles).26 J. Peile, Christ’s Coll. 124. Not surprisingly, therefore, after obtaining his BA he transferred to St John’s College, where he was admitted a fellow on the Lady Margaret foundation. Like Christ’s, St John’s looked favourably on candidates from the northern counties.27 M.K. Jones and M.G. Underwood, King’s Mother, 248.

Carey remained at St John’s until the winter of 1596/7, when he was readmitted to Christ’s, despite its continued domination by its puritan fellows. He initially attempted to buy the vote of one of the fellows by offering to secure the man’s brother a lucrative post in the Berwick garrison, but was eventually installed by the vice chancellor, John Jegon^* (later bishop of Norwich), who quashed the election of two rivals on the grounds that they were inadmissible.28 Peile, 122. Carey’s election as a fellow of Christ’s may have formed part of a wider strategy to destroy the puritan dominance of the college, but if so it failed in its objective, for over the next few years the leading conformist fellows in the college left.29 Bondos-Greene, 201. They included, in March 1600, Carey himself, who once again transferred to St John’s, though not before attaining his bachelor’s degree in divinity.

Carey acquired his first rectory in April 1599, and in June 1606 became archdeacon of Salop. During the early years of James’s reign, or possibly sooner, he became chaplain to the lord chancellor, Thomas Egerton^*, 1st Lord Ellesmere, who had converted to Protestantism in 1570 in order to advance his legal career. He subsequently became chaplain to the king, James I, who presented him to the vicarage of Epping, in Essex, in 1607.30 R. Newcourt, Repertorium (1708), i. 50. Following the death in October 1609 of Edmund Barwell, master of Christ’s College, James, with the backing of Ellesmere, placed Carey on the short-list of candidates for the vacant position. However the college, which remained a bastion of puritan nonconformity, preferred to elect William Pemberton, who had preached in favour of puritans and silenced ministers. James was incensed, and demanded that the college choose ‘a conformable and peaceable man’ instead.31 CSP Dom. 1603-10, p. 549; Bondos-Greene, 202-5. When it failed to do so, he directed it in November to elect Carey, whom he mistakenly believed to be unmarried, a condition James considered eminently suitable for a head of house as it gave little cause for embezzlement.32 HMC Hatfield, xxi. 160; CSP Dom. 1603-10, p. 563. Carey’s election struck fear in the puritan master of Sidney Sussex, Samuel Ward, who foretold ‘the utter ruin and destruction’ of Christ’s, of which college he himself had once been a student. Certainly the college’s puritan fellows were soon overcome: in 1610 Carey expelled one of the leading troublemakers, Nicholas Rushe, and persuaded another, William Ames, to leave after Ames publicly attacked the liberty granted to scholars, who enjoyed playing cards and dice.33 Bondos-Greene, 197, 207; Peile, 123-4.

Although now master of Christ’s, Carey was eager for further preferment. In October 1611 he reminded the king, through the royal favourite, Robert Carr^*, Viscount Rochester (later earl of Somerset), that he had been promised the deanery of Lincoln,34 CSP Dom. 1611-18, p. 81. and in the spring of 1612 he allowed his name to go forward for the mastership of St John’s, which college was far richer than Christ’s.35 Baker, i. 198. However, in neither case was he successful. He subsequently served a year-long stint as vice chancellor of the university, during which time he preached a tearful sermon on the death of Prince Henry so moving that it caused his congregation to weep.36 C.H. Cooper, Annals of Camb. iii. 55. It was as vice chancellor that, in late February 1613, Carey learned that the new heir apparent, Prince Charles (Stuart^*, later prince of Wales), intended to visit the university soon in company with the Elector Palatine. He immediately travelled to Newmarket, where he persuaded the king to allow the university to bestow on Charles an honorary master’s degree. Oxford, he argued, had been permitted to honour the late Prince Henry with membership of its university, and it was therefore only fair that Cambridge should be permitted to do the same for Charles. During the subsequent royal visit, which took place in early March 1613, Carey not only bestowed honorary degrees on the prince and the Elector but also a volume each of verses, ‘fairly bound’.37 Gonville and Caius, ms 73/40, ff. 232-3.

The warm reception accorded to Charles and the Elector Palatine may help to explain why it was that in November 1613 Carey was chosen as dean of St Paul’s in succession to John Overall^*, who had been selected to serve as bishop of Coventry and Lichfield. Formally installed on 11 Apr. 1614, six days after the opening of the Addled Parliament, he presumably went on to take his seat in Convocation, which met at the same time as the Parliament.

In 1617 Carey accompanied the king to Scotland, during which time he offended the presbyterian sensibilities of his hosts while preaching at a funeral. He urged his listeners to commend the soul of the deceased to God, advice ‘which was so ill taken that he was driven to retract it’. The following year he was tipped for a bishopric following the death of John Jegon, bishop of Norwich. So desperate was he to obtain a mitre that he reportedly offered to buy his appointment for £2,500.38 Chamberlain Letters, i. 486; ii. 82, 151, 154. He certainly had money to spare, for in April 1619 he purchased the 250-acre Cambridgeshire manor of Grandhams, in Great Shelford, for £2,140.39 C54/2410/50; St John’s Coll. Camb., D215.5. On learning in the spring of 1619 that the new bishop of Norwich, John Overall, was on his deathbed, he tried again, this time enlisting the help of the Yorkshire squire Sir Richard Beaumont^‡, who was loosely connected to the royal favourite, George Villiers^*, marquess (and later 1st duke) of Buckingham. However, he was once more unsuccessful.40 Beaumont Pprs. ed. W.D. Macray, 43.

Not until September 1621, following the death of William Cotton^*, bishop of Exeter, did Carey land a bishopric. He probably owed his advancement to the quick thinking of his kinsman Henry Carey^*, 4th Lord Hunsdon who, recently elevated as Viscount Rochford, was a client of Buckingham’s. News of Cotton’s death reached Rochford before anyone else at court, enabling him to lobby Buckingham and James without fear of competition.41 T. Birch, Ct. and Times of Jas. I, ii. 274-5. However, Carey was also supported by Lord Keeper Williams (John Williams^*, bishop of Lincoln and later archbishop of York), who wrote to Buckingham’s patronage secretary on his behalf just six days after Cotton’s death.42 Fortescue Pprs. ed. S.R. Gardiner (Cam. Soc. n.s. i), 160; Hacket, i. 63. This was, perhaps, surprising, as Williams was a committed Calvinist, whereas Carey was an early anti-Calvinist, whose doctrinal views were praised by the Arminian cleric Richard Montagu^* (later bishop of Chichester).43 N. Tyacke, Anti-Calvinists, 193; Cosin Corresp. ed. G. Ornsby (Surtees Soc. lii), i. 60. However, Williams, like the Calvinist bishop of Coventry and Lichfield Thomas Morton^*, with whom Carey also enjoyed warm relations,44 St John’s Coll. D94.178. was a former fellow of St John’s. For Carey, these college associations evidently transcended doctrinal divisions.

Carey nevertheless nailed his doctrinal colours firmly to the ecclesiastical mast shortly after the announcement of his appointment as bishop of Exeter. Over the summer the Calvinist archbishop of Canterbury, George Abbot^*, accidently killed a gamekeeper while out hunting. Like William Laud^*, John Buckeridge^*, George Montaigne^* and John Davenant^* – all churchmen, with the exception of Davenant, noted for their hostility to Calvinism - Carey considered that Abbot’s position was now ‘irregular’. Along with Laud, whose advancement to the bishopric of St Davids had recently been announced, he pleaded with James to be consecrated by a group of selected bishops rather than by Abbot. As a result he was consecrated on 18 Nov. by the bishop of London and four other members of the episcopal bench in the bishop of London’s chapel.45 Hacket, i. 67-8; ‘Camden Diary’ (1691), 75.

Carey’s formal admission to the ranks of the episcopate occurred during the final stages of the 1621 Parliament. Consequently, eight days after his appointment, he was admitted to the House of Lords. He promptly took the oath of allegiance, and the following day (27 Nov.) was added to the committee for the monopolies bill. Named to three further committees before the dissolution – on bills concerning concealed lands (28 Nov.), licences of alienation (5 Dec.) and merchants of the Staple (6 Dec.) – Carey is recorded to have missed only two sittings.46 LJ, iii. 171a, 172b, 174b, 182b, 184a.

Although now bishop of Exeter, Carey had no intention of following in the footsteps of his predecessor by living in his diocese, since this would take him too far from his friends at Cambridge and the court. Nevertheless, at the beginning of 1622 it was expected locally that he would visit his diocese that spring.47 Diary of Walter Yonge ed. G. Roberts (Cam. Soc. xli), 51. Instead he remained at Cambridge until 15 May, on which date he resigned as master of Christ’s, and did not visit Exeter until August, when he presided over the visitation of the dean and chapter. He left early the following month, probably for Cambridge, where he resided until late October.48 Peile, Biog. Reg. i. 184; Devon RO, Chanter 218, pp. 74, 77; 50, unfol. (we are grateful to Ken Fincham for these last two references).

Carey’s reluctance to spend longer at Exeter during his first visit is telling. The corporation of Exeter was a hotbed of puritan radicalism, which had successfully resisted the attempts of the previous bishop, William Cotton, to assert his authority. Before setting out for his new diocese, Carey had taken steps to weaken the corporation’s position by suggesting to Lord Keeper Williams that he be added to the ranks of the city’s magistrates. Williams, being no friend of nonconformity, considered this an excellent idea, and instructed the deputy clerk of the crown in Chancery, John Benbow, to draw up the necessary commission. However, Benbow was on close terms with William Prowse, one of Exeter’s leading aldermen, and alerted the corporation, which described the proposal as ‘troublesome and very dangerous’. While Benbow promised to ‘fore-slow and protract’ the drafting of the commission, Prowse was instructed by the corporation to use ‘all possible means’ to hinder a new commission of the peace.49 Devon RO, ECA Act bk. 7, pp. 432, 435; HMC Exeter, 115, 119. It was under these, somewhat awkward circumstances, that Carey had visited Exeter.

On the face of it, the odds were heavily stacked against the city fathers. Carey had powerful friends at court, including not only Lord Keeper Williams and Viscount Rochford but also his brother-in-law, the naval administrator and master of requests John Coke^‡, whose daughters were raised in his household.50 SP16/4/24. He also enjoyed the support of the king, who was disgusted at the city’s treatment of the late Bishop Cotton.51 HMC Exeter, 120. The corporation, by contrast, was bereft of powerful allies since the fall from office in 1618 of its high steward, Thomas Howard^*, 1st earl of Suffolk.52 C.F. Patterson, Urban Patronage, 136. For this reason Prowse suggested that the corporation invite Lord Treasurer Middlesex to serve as the city’s assistant steward: HMC Exeter, 77. However, the corporation had one trump card up its sleeve, as Exeter’s charter limited its magistrates to the mayor, the recorder and eight former mayors. In late June 1622 the attorney general informed Williams that James was not entitled to make more magistrates than were warranted by this charter. Egged on by Carey, Williams replied that James would simply use his dispensing powers to overcome this inconvenient obstacle. However, such a course of action would have had far reaching implications for the common law in general, and municipal charters in particular, as Prowse realized.53 HMC Exeter, 123, 128. A further drawback of Carey’s proposal was that, while bishops served as magistrates in many boroughs, they did not do so in towns such as Exeter that were considered counties in their own right, and the prospect that they might now do so thoroughly alarmed the lord chief justice of Common Pleas, Sir Henry Hobart^‡.54 Ibid. 116, 117. Cf. Patterson, 135, who incorrectly asserts that it was normal for bishops to serve on county borough commissions. By mid July the scheme was effectively dead, leaving Carey to protest that the idea of widening the commission of the peace to include the bishop had not been his at all but the lord keeper’s.55 HMC Exeter, 129.

Not surprisingly, the triumphant Exeter corporation was now ill-disposed towards their new bishop. In January 1623 Carey, intent on visiting his diocese later that year, complained to the king that his request to make a door in the city wall to allow him to take the air in the fields adjacent to the bishop’s palace had been refused by the corporation, who are ‘more desirous of his room than of his company’.56 Ibid. 17. James was sympathetic, not least because he considered the citizens of Exeter puritans, and instructed the corporation to accede to Carey’s request, but this merely prompted the aldermen to approach the lord treasurer, Lionel Cranfield^*, 1st earl of Middlesex, for his ‘favourable assistance’.57 CSP Dom. 1619-23, p. 513; Devon RO, ECA Act bk. 7, p. 484; HMC Exeter, 131. Not until May 1623, after having been referred to the Privy Council, was the matter resolved. Carey was granted permission to make a door, but strict conditions aimed at ensuring the safety of the city were imposed.58 APC, 1621-3, pp. 485-6. Faced with such hostility, it is no wonder that Carey asked Dr John Gwyn, master of St John’s College, Cambridge, to accompany him to Exeter that summer, as ‘I shall need the company of some good friend there with me’.59 The Eagle, xvii. 12.

Carey nearly did not make it to Exeter that year. In March 1623 it was rumoured that he and another bishop would be sent to Spain to join the prince of Wales and Buckingham, who had journeyed to Madrid in the hope of bringing the negotiations for a Spanish Match to a swift conclusion.60 Birch, Ct. and Times of Jas. I, ii. 374. Presumably it was thought that his opinions on matters of ceremony and doctrine were likely to cause only minimal offence to Spain’s Catholics. In the event, however, Carey set out for Exeter on 14 July. On his arrival he tried, on his own account at least, to make peace with the city authorities, and to avoid a confrontation over their attempts to oust William Perryman from his position as master of the city’s grammar school.61 HMC Exeter, 143. He returned to Westminster, where his wife had taken a house in Drury Lane, by the beginning of October.62 The Eagle, xvii. 142, 143. He subsequently promised to spend Christmas with Samuel Harsnett^*, the Arminian bishop of Norwich, but in the event stayed at Cambridge with Dr Gwyn,63 St. John’s Coll. Camb. D.94.124. on whose behalf he had persuaded Lord Keeper Williams to pay for a new library at St John’s.64 The Eagle, xvii. 4-9, 147.

At the beginning of 1624 a new Parliament was in the offing, and it fell to Williams, as dean of Westminster Abbey, to suggest to Buckingham, now a duke, a suitable cleric to deliver the sermon on the opening of Parliament. His first choice was Lancelot Andrewes^*, but as Andrewes was likely to be unavailable he recommended either Thomas Morton or Carey. The latter was the ‘better preacher’ but the former was held in higher esteem by the members of both Houses.65 Fortescue Pprs. 194. Presented with this choice, Buckingham might have been expected to plump for Morton as, like Prince Charles, he was determined on war with Spain, but in the event it was Carey who was eventually given the task. This was perhaps unwise, for according to Williams’ chaplain, John Hacket^†, later bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, Carey earnestly extolled the benefits enjoyed by the biblical tribe of Zebulun, a coastal population which ‘saw wars abroad but none at home’. He thereby signalled publicly, right at the start of the Parliament, that he, like Lord Keeper Williams, was firmly opposed to a war with Spain.66 Hacket, i. 174; ‘Ferrar 1624’, p. 11; Chamberlain Letters, ii. 546; Birch, Ct. and Times of Jas. I, ii. 450. For Carey’s text, see Genesis 49:13.

Ahead of the Parliament, Carey used his influence to secure a seat for his brother-in-law John Coke at St Germans, in Cornwall, where the bishop was the local landlord.67 HMC Cowper, i. 157. Once Parliament met, Carey, being resident in Westminster, regularly attended the House of Lords. Aside from five odd days when he failed to turn up, his sole period of absence lasted two weeks (1-15 May inclusive). However, he remained on the margins of recorded parliamentary activity. He gave only one recorded speech, on 27 May, when he reported that a servant of Bishop Laud had been beaten by three men, all of whom were ordered to appear before the House the following morning.68 Add. 40088, ff. 136, 138v. He was also appointed to just 13 of the 105 committees established by the House during the course of the session. However, these included the standing committee for privileges and a number of committees on matters of national importance, such as the committee appointed to search for precedents to justify breaking off negotiations for the marriage treaty with Spain, and those concerned with monopolies and the state of the kingdom’s weapons and munitions. They also included a sprinkling of measures concerned with West Country matters, such as the bill to annul Henry Heron’s patent for West Country fish packing, and the bill to resolve the dispute between Sir Reginald Mohun^‡ of Boconnoc, Cornwall and his son John^* (later 1st Lord Mohun) over their estates. As a governor of the Charterhouse hospital, Carey was not surprisingly named to the committee for a bill for the better maintenance of hospitals, and his friendship with Thomas Morton doubtless helps to explain his membership of a committee required to consider four bills, one of which concerned the bishop of Coventry and Lichfield.69 LJ, iii. 215a, 236b, 237b, 267b, 268a, 313a, 392a. Sometime during the session, Carey gave the clerk of the parliaments 55s. for his first writ of summons, which fee should have been paid in 1621.70 PA, HL/PO/JO/5/1/2, f. 55v.

Following the prorogation, Carey was preoccupied with a suit in Chancery against Edward Denny^*, earl of Norwich, which he described as his ‘great cause’. On 20 June he journeyed to Wanstead to lobby the king about the matter, but whether the case ended to his satisfaction is unknown.71 The Eagle, xvii. 346, 347. He left for Exeter in mid July, where he remained over the summer, returning by 20 Oct., when he attended a meeting of the governors of the Charterhouse hospital.72 Ibid. 350; LMA, Acc/1876/G/02/01, p. 174. However, by mid February 1625 he was gravely ill.73 Cosin Corresp. i. 60. He nevertheless continued to work from his sickbed, writing a long account in justification of his proceedings in respect of the master of Exeter’s grammar school, whom he had decided to protect, and advising on the licensing of books for publication.74 HMC Exeter, 142-3; Harl. 7000, f. 201v. He was still unwell when a fresh Parliament assembled in June. Though he attended much of the Westminster sitting, he was absent when the House was called on the 23rd. His only recorded contribution to proceedings was to be named, on 27 June, to the committee for the bill to enable the king to make leases of lands belonging to the duchy of Cornwall.75 Procs. 1625, pp. 45, 58.

The plague epidemic that swept London and Westminster that summer so alarmed Carey that he moved his entire family to Exeter.76 SP16/4/24. He probably left London at the end of June, as apologies for his absence were given to the Lords on 1 July by his friend Harsnett, the bishop of Norwich.77 Procs. 1625, p. 81. He was consequently unable to attend the Oxford sitting in August, but instead appointed as his proxy his fellow Arminian, George Montaigne, bishop of London.78 Ibid. 130.

Carey remained in Devon over the winter, possibly to oversee the visitation of his diocese, for which he had issued articles.79 Vis. Articles and Injunctions of the Early Stuart Church, II ed. K. Fincham (Church of Eng. Rec. Soc. v), 1-9. As the plague was now also rife in Exeter, he and his family retired to Chudleigh, ten miles south-west of the city, where they were warmly received by the local squire Sir George Chudleigh^‡, a kinsman of his brother-in-law John Coke, now knighted and a senior government minister. Summoned to the 1626 Parliament, Carey, pleading ‘some bodily infirmity’, begged Coke to obtain permission for him to arrive two weeks late. Once again he offered his brother-in-law a burgess-ship at St Germans, but this time his plans were thwarted by Coke’s arch-enemy, Sir John Eliot^‡. Consequently Coke had to fall back on the University of Cambridge for a seat.80 HMC Cowper, i. 249, 251, 252; T. Birch, Ct. and Times of Chas. I, i. 60.

Carey was as good as his word, as he took his seat in the Lords on 20 Feb., two weeks after the Parliament opened. Thereafter, until 1 Apr., he evidently attended regularly, as he is recorded as having missed only four sittings. Once again his meagre committee appointments – just seven out of a possible total of 49 - included business that reflected West Country concerns: a bill to restore in blood the son of the late Sir Walter Ralegh^‡; a measure to allow free fishing off the American coast; and a petition exhibited on behalf of nearly 2,000 mariners held captive by the pirates of Sallee and Algiers. On this latter subject he made his first and only recorded speech, on 22 Mar., when he pointed out that the smallest ransom demanded by the corsairs was £10, and that many prisoners had to pay £300 or even £500 to secure their release. As a governor of the Charterhouse hospital, Carey naturally secured a place on the committee for the bill to give the hospital statutory confirmation. His remaining appointments included two investigative committees – one on increasing trade and preventing specie from leaving the kingdom, the other on the defence of the kingdom – and one further legislative committee, concerning the estate of a lately deceased Berkshire gentleman, Sir Richard Lydall.81 Procs. 1626, i. 104, 110, 119, 128, 192, 195.

Notwithstanding the Lords Journal, which shows him to have been present on the afternoon of 14 June, Carey attended the Lords for the last time on 1 April. However, not until 13 Apr. did he seek formal leave of absence on grounds of sickness.82 Ibid. iv. 18; i. 265. He died at his house in Drury Lane on 10 June, and was buried two days later in the north side of the quire in St Paul’s, the cathedral of which he had once been dean.83 N and Q (3rd ser), vi. 174, 313; St Martin-in-the-Fields (Harl. Soc. Reg. lxvi), 223; R. Izacke, Remarkable Antiquities of the City of Exeter (1681), ‘Memorials of the City of Exeter’, 151; J. Prince, Worthies of Devon, 181. In his will, drawn up on 3 Apr. 1626, he left his wife Dorothy their house in Drury Lane, the manor of Grandhams and all their household goods. However, on Dorothy’s death ‘my great silver salt’ was to be given to Christ’s College, which was also to receive from Dorothy two flagons for use during communion. St John’s College was left £50 with which to buy books for the new library which Carey himself had done so much to help found. A further £20, plus books, was given to Sir John Carey^†, later 2nd earl of Dover and eldest son of Viscount Rochford. Sir John’s sister Judith, being the bishop’s goddaughter, was left £40 to buy her some plate.84 N and Q (ser. 3), vi. 174.

Though he evidently died childless, Carey referred to his ‘boys’ in a letter of May 1623.85 The Eagle, xvii. 7. One of these young men was almost certainly Ernestus, eldest son of Sir Robert Carey, a captain of horse in the Netherlands, whose father Sir Edmund was the seventh son of Henry Carey, 1st Lord Hunsdon.86 Vivian, Vis. Devon, 154, 156. The future father of Robert Carey^†, 7th Lord Hunsdon, Ernestus was raised in the household of the bishop, who may have regarded him as an adopted son, as he granted him the reversion to Grandhams.87 HMC Hatfield, xxii. 234; N and Q (ser. 3), vi. 174. Carey probably also brought up Ernestus’ younger brother Robert, as Dorothy mentioned him in her will of 1633.88 PROB 11/165, f. 36.

Eight months after Carey’s death the dean and chapter of Exeter Cathedral resolved to approach ‘Mr Carey’ – presumably Ernestus – to erect a monument to the bishop.89 Exeter Cathedral, ms D&C 3553, ff. 131v, 132. By 1630 a marble monument, complete with alabaster effigy and probably made by the same workshop that created the monument to Bishop Cotton, had been erected in the Lady Chapel.90 T. Westcote, View of Devonshire, 176; V. Hope and J. Lloyd, Exeter Cathedral, (revised A. Erskine), 107. Unusually, it depicts Carey in his convocation robes. Carey’s widow, who died in 1634 and was buried alongside her husband with great ceremony, bequeathed the house in Drury Lane to Sir John Coke.91 HMC Cowper, ii. 45.