Glamorgan, where, partly on account of rapid industrialization, the population increased from 71,525 in 1801 to 126,200 in 1831, was a county of large estates extending from the barren uplands and unfranchised iron town of Merthyr Tydfil in the north, to the corn-growing Vale, with its high concentration of freeholders, and the coastal boroughs of Cardiff, Neath and Swansea in the south.
The freeholders had not been polled since 1780 and the influence of absentee aristocratic landowners, who included Bute, the 6th duke of Beaufort, the earls of Plymouth, Clarendon, Jersey and Talbot, Lord Dynevor, Sir Thomas Aubrey of Llantriddyd, and Sir Charles Kemeys Kemeys Tynte of Cefn Mabli, had been held in check by a coalition of resident gentlemen headed by Thomas Mansel Talbot of Penrice and Margam (34,000 acres) and Thomas Wyndham of Dunraven Castle, assisted by Jones of Ffonmon Castle, Pryce of Dyffryn, Aberdare, Matthews of Llandaff, the copper and tinmaster John Morris of Clasemont, Morgan of Ruperra and Tredegar, and Llewellyn of Penlle’rgaer. Minorities resulting from the deaths of Talbot in 1813 and of the sitting Member Wyndham the following year had heralded a spate of political activity and spending among this group and others with ambitions, among them the wealthy barrister John Edwards* of Rheola, who had married the heiress of Court Herbert, Robert Francis Jenner of Wenvoe, Sir John Nicholl* of Merthyr Mawr and William Vaughan of Lanelay. Benjamin Hall of Abecarn and Hensol, who had succeeded Wyndham in the seat, was a son-in-law of the industrialist William Crawshay of Cyfarthfa and the namesake son of the dean of Llandaff. The well-known sailor Sir Christopher Cole, the new husband of Talbot’s widow, had been returned following Hall’s early death in 1817, when he narrowly avoided a contest against Edwards by obtaining a declaration of support from the 5th earl of Stamford’s son, William Booth Grey, who had married the heiress of Dyffryn. Booth Grey, however, coveted the seat himself, and by declaring against Cole, when he was unable to spend in 1818, he had facilitated the unopposed return of Edwards at an estimated cost of £15,000.
Canvassing by Cole, Edwards and Booth Grey and their supporters continued and culminated in a hard-fought contest at the general election of 1820, when Cardiff Boroughs also polled.
The election commenced at Bridgend, 16 Mar. 1820, when Cole was proposed by Morris and the Rev. John Montgomery Traherne, Edwards by Bassett and Crawshay, and Booth Grey by Robert Jones and Bruce. Their speeches were not reported. The bribery oath was administered in English and Welsh, and by the end of the first day 47 had polled for Cole, 45 for Edwards, and 27 for Booth Grey. At 320, 315, and 151 respectively on the third day, Bruce announced that Booth Grey was retiring, leaving his followers ‘to vote if and as they wished’, and he invited them to dine at the Angel, 4 Apr. Edwards made his ‘great push’ on the fourth day, when Sir Charles Morgan* and Homfray arrived ‘in great force of tenantry’, but ‘a great many’ were also sent down for Cole, most of whom ‘had promised Booth Grey first, and Cole if Booth Grey did not go on’. Cole ended the day with 433 votes to Edwards’s 418. After seven days Cole had 755 (677 polled, 32 rejected, and 46 unresolved) to Edwards’s 759 (607 polled, 72 rejected, 14 allowed, and 66 undecided), and polling ceased on the ninth day, 25 Mar., with 63 per cent of the electorate polled and the tally at Cole 791, Edwards 656, Booth Grey 151. Cole topped the poll in the hundreds of Cibwr, Llangyfelach, Miskin, Neath, Newcastle, Ogmore and Swansea, and Edwards, who led in the hundreds of Caerphilly, Cowbridge and Dinas Powis, retired ‘beaten but not subdued’. He subsequently attributed his defeat to Bute’s ‘late decision’ to oppose him. Cole was chaired amid the green laurels of Margam, dined his supporters, and announced that the election ball would be held at Swansea’s Mackworth Arms, 12 Apr. 1820.
It has been shown (by Haydn Murray Williams) from analysis of the poll and check books, supported by scrutiny of declared supporters, proposers and seconders, that the aristocracy, lesser gentry, commercial and industrial interests did not act as distinct groups, and that the strength of the absentee landlords’ support for Cole was probably crucial. He confirmed the importance of family groupings, business associations, feuds and friendships, and found a close correlation between landlord-tenant and employer-employee votes which, he observed, was ‘determined by ownership and owed nothing to density of population or to occupation’. Virtually all Beaufort, Dynevor and Clarendon tenants voted for Cole, but only 46 per cent of Bute’s, many of whom defected to Booth Grey. In Swansea, where Beaufort controlled the corporation, 45 freeholders voted for Cole, 68 for Edwards, and none for Booth Grey. Cole received 29 votes, and Booth Grey and Edwards 15 each from Bute’s stronghold of Cardiff; and the freeholders of Merthyr Tydfil provided Cole with 34 votes, Edwards 40, and Grey seven. Bute, who had rejected or ignored Edwards’s recommendations for the magistracy, was particularly fearful that use of his name would be construed as intervention by a peer. He had cautioned his agents against spending in the county, but directed them to procure what votes they could for Cole, so incurring the wrath of Booth Grey, whom Bute had formerly considered returning for the Boroughs. The Margam agents acted reciprocally, but the pollbooks confirm contemporaneous observations by Dillwyn and others that switching between the parties in the two constituencies was widespread and even extended to the candidates’ sponsors.
The Glamorganshire Agricultural Society, which met quarterly, petitioned both Houses for action against distress in May and June 1820, forwarded corn returns to the Commons agriculture committee, and petitioned again in 1821, when local divisions were evident in the wording of the petitions. Some complained of distress in all sectors of the economy and advocated tax reductions as remedies, others merely asked Parliament to investigate and relieve their distress, as they saw fit.
You will see by the resolutions at Pyle that we are quite alive to the interests of the commerce of this county. Would to God some genius would invent other plans to benefit the agricultural class, or to give fresh life to the dying embers which are consuming them. The poor dejected farmer, wishing to catch at every twig before he is overwhelmed, is now crying out for war, forgetting that though such an event may raise the price of his stock and produce for the time, the reckoning day must come at last.
Penrice and Margam mss L1327.
The resolutions were incorporated in the landowners’ and agriculturists’ petitions to Parliament in March and April 1823.
A conflict of interests had developed between Bute and the Dowlais and Glamorganshire canal companies over land leases, communications, the Western Union Canal bill and the development of Cardiff; and since February 1824 a canvass had been under way to prevent Bute returning his brother Lord James Crichton Stuart for the Boroughs, which Lewis refused to relinquish.
With much local legislation intended, Bute, Crawshay, Edwards, Grant, Booth Grey, Morris and Vivian attended a meeting at Pyle in September 1826 to discuss Telford’s plan for a new east-west road and to consider establishing a single countywide turnpike trust on the Breconshire model. Morris and the Dowlais ironmaster John Josiah Guest* were to promote it and the meeting approved it by 89-80. Local interests, however, intervened, and lobbying and petitioning led by Blakemore, Vivian, the Neath and Swansea trusts, and others with commercial concerns to protect, ensured that all the objectives of the 1827 Act were not realized.
Population pressure, lawlessness and the absence of magistrates who were not themselves ironmasters had long been a problem in Merthyr Tydfil. After failing to interest Peel in sponsoring legislation in 1827, Bute and John Bruce Bruce submitted a memorial and petition for a police bill and the establishment of a stipendiary magistracy. Bute was assured that Crawshay, Guest, and Forman would help to finance it, to reduce the potential burden on the poor rate.
The campaign for abolition of the Welsh judicature and assize system, which Dillwyn worked closely with the earl of Cawdor to achieve, revived following the appointment of an investigative commission in February 1828, and the October sessions at Swansea adopted a memorial (signed by 85 magistrates) for ‘abolition of the provincial judicature of Wales, and a participation in the benefits derived from the authority of English judges’, as advocated in Cawdor’s Letter to lord chancellor Lyndhurst.
The inhabitants ... are very desirous that in the proposed change the locality of Merthyr and its central situation should be taken into consideration as they conceive it as better adapted for many reasons to be the assize town than Neath or any other town in the county. Under these impressions, a meeting of the inhabitants of Merthyr was convened and it was very numerously and respectably attended. The meeting resolved unanimously that your lordship as lord lieutenant of the county should be memorialized on the occasion, it being believed that from your lordship’s liberal views of public measures generally and your attachment to the interests of the county of Glamorgan, their sentiments would meet with your lordship’s support and attention provided your lordship would think them meriting it.
PP (1829), ix. 42-44; Bute mss L72/27,42.
Nothing came of the idea, nor of Thomas Wood’s* proposal, which Bute preferred, of combining Breconshire with Glamorgan, and holding assizes at Brecon and Cardiff. The Rev. J.M. Traherne’s ‘misgivings’ that Glamorgan would be brought into the anti-abolition petitioning campaign in November 1829 by means of an ‘an embryo county meeting’ were soon dispelled.
Cole’s remuneration from the Margam estate had ceased, and with an eye to the next election Bute had permitted him to make full use of Cardiff Castle for the October races in 1829, which Talbot stewarded. Briefing Bute afterwards on what the occasion revealed about Glamorgan politics, the Rev. J.M. Traherne, who was shortly to marry Talbot’s sister Charlotte, observed, ‘There [now] appears to be a general disposition to quit electioneering. The other side has had enough of it’.
It is unlikely there will be any opposition, but I am prepared if there is to raise a sum of money on the purchased estates which will be conveyed to me by the trustees. At all events, who is there in the county who has both a claim to represent the county, and money to support that claim?
Penrice and Margam mss 9238.
Cole chaired a masonic dinner at Swansea, 24 June, the king died on the 26th, and by 8 July Cole had informed Bute, Crawshay, Dillwyn and Vivian that he was retiring because of his wife’s deteriorating health.
quite unnecessary to employ any person to canvass unless there is a show of opposition. I will send the books of freeholders as soon as I can obtain them from him. As soon as you have seen Sir Christopher’s advertisement of resignation, you may send the letters to the attorneys, and I shall write immediately to the principal gentlemen and absentee noblemen ... I shall have my letters ready to send on Saturday, but not the address, because I have reason to think Sir Christopher does not wish mine to follow too close on his, as far as the public eye is concerned. My plan of operations is to come to Margam on Monday and to commence a canvass as soon as the king’s funeral has taken place ... I think one of the following persons should be requested to propose me: Evan Thomas, Sir J. Morris, Grant, Grey, Dillwyn or Jenner.
Glam. Co. Hist. vi. 2-4; Penrice and Margam mss 9238.
On the 9th Bute, who had already heard from Talbot, learnt that ‘Beaufort, Lord Clarendon and Lord Plymouth wished to raise an opposition but were unable to do so’.
a sincere friend to every measure calculated to promote the liberty of the subject, the retrenchment and economy of the public expenditure, the relief of the people from the burden of taxation under which they labour, to better the situation of the agricultural labourer, and to advance the general interests of trade and commerce ... So long as ministers continue to consult the real and substantial interests of the community at large, they will command my uniform and best support on every occasion that I can honestly give it to them.
Keeping a close scrutiny on expenditure, he dined 200 at the Wyndham Arms, where he refuted allegations that Cole had been his locum, and was eulogized in Welsh verse. His health was proposed by Crichton Stuart. A further 1,300 were dined at other hostelries in Bridgend and the ball was held in Swansea after the October races.
Wesleyan Methodists countywide and the Baptists of Caerphilly, Dowlais and Merthyr Tydfil sent petitions to both Houses in November 1830 and April 1831 for the abolition of colonial slavery.
As announced, 1 Mar. 1831, the Grey ministry’s reform bill proposed no change in the county constituency, but the Boroughs were to be divided, with Cardiff retaining Cowbridge and Llantrisant and acquiring Llandaff and Merthyr Tydfil, while its remaining contributories were regrouped around Swansea, where Vivian immediately declared his candidature. Talbot supported the measure and was surprised that his boroughs of Aberavon and Kenfig retained their franchise.
Booth Grey sought support for an anti-reform declaration headed by Bute, Clarendon, Dynevor, and Jersey; and Talbot, who sought re-election at the general election precipitated by the bill’s defeat, 19 Apr. 1831, sensed correctly that Crawshay, Edwards Vaughan and Thompson were intriguing against him.
The reintroduced reform bill made no separate provision for Merthyr Tydfil, and early in July 1831 Wood agreed to lead the parliamentary campaign for its separate enfranchisement, which, as he scathingly acknowledged, was an awkward issue for Crichton Stuart and Talbot as pro-reform Whigs.
Guest had transferred his candidature from the county to Merthyr and Aberdare, where, despite rumblings of opposition and formal protest by Bruce, who, as the designated returning officer, was disqualified from standing, the 502 registered £10 voters returned Guest unopposed in December 1832.
Number of voters: 2284 in 1820
Estimated voters: over 3,000
