Although a considerably more impressive figure than his father, Manchester was treated rather dismissively by Macky as ‘a gentleman of greater application than capacity; of good address, but no elocution; is very honest; a lover of the constitution of his country, which he takes pains to understand and serve’. While he was able to command substantial interest in Essex and Huntingdonshire and he was appointed to a number of prominent positions during his career, disappointment appears to have been one of the hallmarks of Manchester’s life. Although he was involved in a number of the central events of the period, he seems always to have lingered on the fringes, outshone by more talented rivals.
Shortly after his succession to the peerage, rumours circulated that Manchester was engaged in courting the daughter of the fabulously wealthy city merchant, Sir John Cutler‡, bt. but it was speculated that he was unlikely to be successful as the king had her in mind for one of his sons, Charles Beauclerk, duke of St Albans.
Manchester took the opportunity of his removal from office to travel abroad the following year.
Reckoned an opponent of moves to repeal the Test in January 1687, Manchester was estimated an opponent of the king’s policies in May of that year. In estimates compiled in November 1687 and January 1688 he was again listed among those opposed to overturning the Test act and in January 1688 he was also included by Thomas Osborne, earl of Danby (later marquess of Carmarthen and duke of Leeds), among the opposition. In June he was one of those proposed as a surety for Francis Turner, bishop of Ely, and on 15 June he was reported to have been one of those to offer to stand bail for the bishops.
After the Revolution
Manchester took his seat in the Convention on 22 Jan. 1689 after which he was present on 83 per cent of all sittings. On 31 Jan. he voted in favour of inserting the words declaring William and Mary king and queen in a division held in the committee of the whole. He then entered his dissent when this was negatived. On 4 Feb. he again voted to support the Commons’ employment of the term ‘abdicated’ rather than ‘deserted’, dissenting once more at the Lords’ refusal to concur and two days later he voted the same way again. He subscribed the protest on 6 Mar. against the passage of the bill for better regulating the trials of peers. A report that Manchester’s support for the Revolution had been acknowledged with his appointment as captain of the Yeomen of the Guard circulated in March. It was confirmed the following month.
Active in employing his interest in the elections of early 1690, Manchester saw the return of his brother, Robert Montagu, for Huntingdonshire. He was also successful in supporting Henry Mildmay‡ and Sir Francis Masham‡, bt. for Essex in the face of a concerted challenge by Charles Sackville, 6th earl of Dorset, who appeared for Sir Anthony Abdy, 2nd bt. and Eliab Harvey‡ as well as from Henry Compton, bishop of London, who also set his weight behind Harvey.
Manchester’s marriage may have been the reason for his early departure from Parliament. Having taken his place in the House at the beginning of the new session on 2 Oct. 1690, he was absent from the final month of the session of which he attended 41 per cent of all sitting days. He reported the optimistic tone of the Commons’ debates over the army estimates to one correspondent noting that, ‘most of the speeches tended as if they did expect 40,000 men to land in France.’
Manchester was present for the prorogation of 24 May. He then returned to the House for the new session on 4 Nov. 1692, after which he was present on 89 per cent of all sitting days. On 5 Dec. he and his brother-in-law, William Pierrepont‡, submitted a petition to the House in right of their wives, who were locked in a legal dispute with Fulke Greville, 5th Baron Brooke, over the former Lord Brooke’s personal estate. On 22 Dec. Manchester chaired sessions of committees concerning Sir William Mannock’s bill and Sir Robert Smith’s bill. The following day, chairmanship of the committee for Smith’s bill was assumed by John Egerton, 3rd earl of Bridgwater, though Manchester was in the chair again for a further session of the committee for Mannock’s bill that day, which was eventually reported to the House by Longueville on 30 December.
Present for the prorogations of 2 May and 26 Oct. 1693 Manchester took his seat in the new session on 7 Nov., after which he was present on 81 per cent of all sittings. The death of Manchester’s brother, Robert, from a fever, necessitated a by-election in December, but Manchester was successful in securing the return of his candidate, John Proby‡.
Manchester took his seat in the House on 12 Nov. 1694, after which he was present on 91 per cent of sitting days in the session. On 6 Jan. 1695 he reported from the committee for Henry Northleigh’s bill (though there seems not to be any record of his having previously chaired any meetings considering the bill) and on 26 Jan., he reported from the committee for John Estoft’s bill (of which he had presided over two sessions in committee).
Manchester’s good standing with the regime was reflected in the king’s agreement to stand godfather to his heir, William Montagu, styled Viscount Mandeville, in February 1695.
Embassy to Venice and after, 1697-1702
Manchester dined with the Venetian ambassadors on 12 May 1696 and on 16 June he was present in the House for the prorogation.
That spring Manchester was appointed ambassador to Venice, for which he was granted £1,500 for equipage and £10 a day for his expenses.
Manchester arrived at Venice in December 1697 where he remained until the spring of the following year. The embassy proved an unhappy experience, tainted towards the end by the death of Heneage Montagu from a fever.
Active in the elections that summer, Manchester was again to the fore voting in both the county election and the election for Maldon, actions that precipitated an order of the following year forbidding peers from voting in elections for the Commons.
Towards the end of spring 1699, Manchester was again entrusted with an embassy, this time with the post at Paris, which had fallen vacant following the king’s decision to promote Edward Villiers, earl of Jersey, to the office of secretary of state.
I do not doubt but that the king will take such measures as will be for his service and should be sorry if the Whigs should carry themselves so as not to be as zealous for the king’s interest out of employment as ever they was when they was in. You may easily think Lord Somers cannot but have a great many friends, but they may show their friendship and yet continue their duty to the king; I suppose all affairs are to be managed by other hands, which I hope will make the Parliament more reasonable, though I very much fear it, and it will be well if they do not come at last to name our ministers; for my part, as I have always acted on a principle with little regard to my own advantage, so I shall continue, let the consequence be what it will.HMC Bath, iii. 408; Longleat, Bath mss, Prior pprs. 6, f. 43.
In July Manchester was included in a list of Whigs peers thought likely to support the Junto.
The majority of Manchester’s embassy was dominated by the need to tread carefully within the French court while avoiding unwelcome encounters with members of the exiled Jacobite household.
the little hopes our friends at St Germain have is now in Scotland and if that fails, all things will be quiet till the next meeting of our Parliament. I should think instead of a change in the ministry, we had a new Parliament, it would be more for the king’s service, not much good can be expected from a last sessions.
Besides his general concerns about the consequences of a change in the ministry, Manchester was also bothered by the repercussions of the expected removal of Jersey to Ireland. ‘It will be a concern to me, having now to deal with a man of honour and one who is true to the king.’ Matters were rendered more delicate still by the unexpected death of Princess Anne’s last remaining child, the duke of Gloucester, towards the end of July. Not long before this, Manchester had written to Prior expressing his agreement with him that, ‘it is now of great consequence who dies in case the king is well, whose life is all we have to trust to’, thereby emphasizing the slight thread by which men of Manchester’s stamp hung their hopes at this point.
Manchester wrote to his cousin (and former stepfather), Charles Montagu, Baron (later earl of) Halifax, in December 1700, congratulating him on his elevation to the peerage, but bemoaning the fact that he could not ‘comprehend what we are doing or what measures we intend to take with France.’
By the following year, Manchester’s mission appeared to be in trouble. It was reported that he was received coldly at Versailles and in February 1701 that he was to be recalled ‘suddenly’ from his embassy.
Manchester returned to town in October, after which he travelled to Windsor to wait on Princess Anne and her husband, Prince George, duke of Cumberland.
The reign of Queen Anne 1702-6
Manchester took his seat in the new Parliament on 21 Oct. 1702, after which he was present on 88 per cent of all sitting days in the session. Between 24 Nov. and 2 Dec. he chaired four sessions of the committee concerning the trade commissioners and the following day (3 Dec.) he acted as one of the tellers for the division over the resolution to agree to the instruction to the committee of the whole concerning the occasional conformity bill. On 14 Dec. he chaired and then reported from the committee for John Cowper’s bill, in which he may have had some local interest, Cowper’s estate lying in Essex.
At the beginning of January 1703, Nottingham estimated Manchester to be an opponent of the occasional conformity bill and on 16 Jan. Manchester voted accordingly in favour of adhering to the Lords’ amendment to the penalty clause. Three days later, he courted the queen’s displeasure by subscribing the protest when the House failed to agree with the committee’s recommendation concerning the bill for Prince George. Manchester was nominated one of the managers of a series of conferences towards the close of the session between 17 and 25 February. Following the prorogation, Manchester was one of several former envoys to be alarmed by news that the queen had given orders for all plate issued prior to her reign to be returned, though it was predicted that he and his cousin, Montagu, would be likely to be allowed to retain theirs in lieu of debts owed to them.
Manchester took his seat in the following session on 3 Nov. 1704, after which he was present on almost 70 per cent of all sitting days. The following month he invited the Essex gentlemen to his seat at Leez to settle on candidates for the forthcoming county election, as a result of which Sir Francis Masham‡ and Henry Howard, styled Lord Walden, later earl of Bindon, were selected. Back in the House, on 16 Feb. Manchester reported from the committee, which had met the previous day, for the bill to allow the lord treasurer or treasury commissioners to compound with John Mason and John Pickering Silkman. On 27 Feb. he was nominated to the committee to consider the heads for a conference concerning the Aylesbury men.
Following the dissolution, Manchester was noted in a list compiled in April as a supporter of the Hanoverian succession.
Return to Venice and after, 1706-9
Manchester was visited by William Wake, bishop of Lincoln, during the summer recess and in June 1706 he introduced the mayor and aldermen of Huntingdon to the queen so that they could present her with their loyal address.
On 18 Jan. 1707, Manchester dined at the home of Charles Bennet, 2nd Baron Ossulston, along with Marlborough, Somers and Somerset, amongst others.
Writing from Venice in October 1707, Manchester expressed his impatience for ‘some good address from the Parliament for carrying on the war, which will set all things right again’ and warned that the Venetians were convinced that a peace treaty was imminent, which, he conceived, ‘if true is another thing, but otherwise it will do prejudice’.
By the spring of 1708 Manchester’s embassy to Venice appears to have all but ground to a halt. News of the Pretender’s projected invasion of Britain he believed would make the Venetians ‘the longer defer saying anything to me, and they know so little the disposition of England that they easily give into it he may be received.’
Manchester finally secured his letters of revocation towards the close of the summer.
In his absence, Manchester was noted a Whig (+) in a list of party affiliations and in May 1708 his nominee Pocklington was returned once again for Huntingdonshire on the family interest. Manchester returned to the House at the opening of the new Parliament on 7 Dec. 1708. He proceeded to attend on 67 per cent of all sitting days. Despite his apparent discontent with his foreign journeyings, at the close of the month he approached Marlborough seeking his recommendation for Manchester to be one of the plenipotentiaries at the forthcoming peace congress. He insisted that:
It is a justice due to the services I have performed, as also to my reputation abroad, having always maintained to the last degree the dignity of the crown and the honour of the nation… It must be owned I have had but a hard fate, but I have ever preserved what is most dear to me, my honour and reputation in the world and I should not desire this were I not sensible all abroad will be surprised at such a conjuncture I should not be thought of.
Although Marlborough asserted that he would be glad of Manchester’s ‘assistance in concluding the peace’ he professed himself unable to assure Manchester of his desire given the number of other pretenders.
Out of office, 1709-14
Manchester seems to have identified himself strongly with the Churchill-Godolphin interest. In August Arthur Maynwaring‡ reported to the duchess of Marlborough an encounter with Manchester, during which the earl was said to have been ‘full of the common complaint that you are not more with the q[ueen], upon which I told him the story of your office and of the new bedchamber woman. This changed his opinion so much that he agreed with me in everything afterwards.’
Manchester lingered in town in September, remaining there in the hopes of securing payment of a pension of £1,000 promised to him by the queen.
Despite his former commitment to the duumvirs, the quest for financial recompense appears to have proved more important for Manchester, leading him to enter into negotiations with Harley, now lord treasurer and earl of Oxford. Manchester was thus included in one of Oxford’s memoranda in May 1711, and the following month he approached Oxford about waiting on the queen in hopes of securing payment of his pension. Insisting that he would be ‘glad to get out of town, but cannot well do it till you have done something in my affair’, Manchester asked that he might be granted £2,000, insisting that he had not been properly reimbursed for his last embassy. The sum, he emphasized, ‘would be very convenient for my affairs at present.’
Manchester had remained in London, and had attended the prorogations of 21 Aug, 9 Oct. and 27 Nov. 1711. Noted on 2 Dec. as a peer to be canvassed about the ‘No Peace without Spain’ motion, Manchester took his seat in the House for the new session on 7 Dec. and presumably voted for the amendment of the address to the queen, for on 8 Dec. he was included in an assessment of those thought likely to oppose the court’s attempt to prevent the presentation of the address as amended. Further, on 10 Dec. he was noted in a list of office-holders as having voted against the ministry. Although Manchester was listed as a potential supporter of permitting James Hamilton, 4th duke of Hamilton [S], to take his seat in the House as duke of Brandon on 19 Dec. there was a query by his name and he was not listed as voting on the matter on the 20th, although listed as present in the Journal. By the close of the year his patience over the continued failure to pay his pension was wearing thin and on 27 Dec. he complained to Oxford:
I did not well understand what your lordship meant by the commissioners of accounts preventing you keeping your word with me… The way to meet with a grateful return is to do as one would be done by, and if after all the promises I should find myself deceived in a case of mere justice, I cannot reasonable [sic] expect any favour, though I shall always show that duty to the queen to serve her to the utmost of my power in anything that is consistent with her preservation, and the good of my country, which has been my constant practice even from the Revolution, when I had the honour to wait on her majesty, though my services have not been thought considerable enough to have had any return.Add. 70249, Manchester to Oxford, 27 Dec. 1711.
Nevertheless, Oxford’s peculiar talent for politicking ensured that Manchester did not remained wedded to the Whig cause. On 28 May he voted against the Whig motion to address the queen to order James Butler*, 2nd duke of Ormond, to act offensively against France. On 7 June he was noted as one of the Lords ‘that went off’ from the opposition and voted with the ministry over the address in response to the queen’s speech on the peace.
Manchester attended the prorogation on 17 Feb. 1713 and the following month he was listed by Jonathan Swift as a likely opponent of the ministry in a forecast compiled in advance of the new session. Manchester took his seat on 9 Apr. after which he was present on 53 per cent of all sittings. Behaving as Swift had surmised, on 13 June he was noted by Oxford as being likely to oppose passage of the bill confirming the eighth and ninth articles of the French treaty of commerce. Following the dissolution, Manchester was successful in securing the return of Robert Pigott‡ and Sir Matthew Dudley,‡ bt. for Huntingdonshire in the face of a new challenge from his kinsman, Edward Montagu, 3rd earl of Sandwich, who had set up his heir, Edward Richard Montagu‡, styled Viscount Hinchingbrooke, and Nicholas Bonfoy‡ for the Tories.
In advance of the new Parliament, Manchester reminded Oxford once again about the non-payment of his pension, grumpily excusing the manner of this latest supplication because ‘I pass most of my time in the country and can very ill solicit especially if I see it is to little purpose.’
After 1714
Manchester attended seven days of the brief session that met in response to the queen’s death at the beginning of August and on 2 Aug. he received Dorchester’s proxy. The accession of the new king offered Manchester improved prospects at last, though in the event his preferment was confined to his appointment as one of the new gentlemen of the bedchamber and his promotion to a dukedom in 1719. Manchester remained an active member of the House until shortly before his death in early 1722. Details of the latter part of his career will be covered in the second phase of this work. In his will of June 1721 (the precise dating of which is obscured) Manchester made a series of bequests, including grants of £5,000 a piece to three of his daughters and a further £1,000 to another daughter, Lady Charlotte Montagu, whose reduced inheritance was explained as being on account of money she had already received from Manchester’s sister, the countess of Suffolk and widow of James Howard, 3rd earl of Suffolk. To his younger son, Lord Robert Montagu, Manchester bequeathed an annuity rising to £600 after he attained the age of 21. Manchester named his heir, Lord Mandeville, and his brother-in-law, Sir James Montagu‡, as his executors. He was buried along with other members of his family at Kimbolton and succeeded by his son, Mandeville.
