Coventry appears to have been a man of contradictions. On the one hand, he was a supremely reluctant holder of his dignity, rarely in attendance in the House and resentful of the prominence that his local political role allotted to him; on the other, he was a determined defender of his family name (engaging in a long and tendentious legal battle with his stepmother over her claims to noble birth), a firm espouser of the Whig interest and a powerful local political broker. His expectations had been transformed in 1687, when the death of his cousin John Coventry, 4th Baron Coventry, advanced his father to the peerage. Coventry’s altered circumstances perhaps contributed to him breaking off the marriage negotiations which had been in train with one of the daughters of Henry Pollexfen‡.
Closely connected to a number of the gentry families of Worcestershire and Warwickshire, Coventry was a cousin of William Craven, earl of Craven, William Herbert, marquess of Powis, and Sir John Pakington‡ of Westwood. The Coventrys’ principal estates at Croome in Worcestershire and Snitterfield in Warwickshire gave them considerable local political influence and in 1690 Richard Coote‡, earl of Bellomont [I], sought the support of Thomas Coventry and his brother, Gilbert Coventry, later 4th earl of Coventry, in his election for Droitwich, where the Coventry family exercised particular influence.
In 1694 Coventry reluctantly agreed to use his influence with his brother-in-law, Charles Somerset‡, styled marquess of Worcester, to procure an introduction to Ormond for his brother, Gilbert.
In 1697 Coventry’s father was advanced in the peerage as earl of Coventry, and on his death in July 1699 Coventry succeeded to the earldom. His father’s demise immediately revealed deep divisions within the family, primarily owing to the late earl’s 1695 mésalliance with one of his servants, Elizabeth Grimes.
I doubt not but I am sufficiently envied for what is fallen to me, though without reason, by such who don’t consider the disadvantages I come to the estate with; and nothing, I am satisfied, will gratify the ambition, and malice, of some people unless, Esau-like, a man will sell his birth-right for a mess of potage.
Ibid. CVC/Y/1/60.
Coventry acted as chief mourner at his father’s funeral, supported by Gilbert Coventry and their Warwickshire neighbour Richard Verney, 11th Baron Willoughby de Broke.
Coventry succeeded his father as custos rotulorum for Worcestershire in 1699 but, unlike his predecessor, he was a determined upholder of the Whig interest.
Although Coventry exhibited a marked disinclination to involve himself with affairs at Westminster, he was unable to avoid a prominent role in Worcestershire and Warwickshire, where his greatest interests lay. In December 1700, Sir Thomas Rous‡, conscious that ‘your lordship’s interest is superior to any other’, solicited Coventry’s support in the forthcoming election for Worcestershire. A similar request was made by Coventry’s cousin, Sir John Pakington, though in Pakington’s case kinship counted for nothing and Coventry proved consistently inimical to his ambitions.
From 1700 Coventry’s attention became increasingly focused on an unfolding legal tussle with his stepmother, her second husband, Savage, and Gregory King. Following the pomp of the 1st earl’s funeral, the dowager countess had continued to flaunt her suppositious ancestry and commissioned an elaborate monument to her late husband, intending that it be erected in the church at Croome. The piece repeated her claims to a respectable pedigree and displayed the arms of the Graham family as her own impaled with those of the Coventrys. Coventry refused his permission for the monument’s erection and the dowager was forced to content herself with raising it in her second husband’s family church at Elmley.
A need to attract support among his fellow peers seems to have forced Coventry out of his country hibernation, and on 25 Mar. 1701 he took his seat in the House once more, though he attended on just three days before quitting the chamber for the remainder of the session. He found his own case overshadowed by the proceedings for a separation in train between James Annesley, 3rd earl of Anglesey, and his countess. On 26 Mar. he wrote to his wife, excusing himself for his failure to write and complaining at being unable to leave the chamber the previous day on account of ‘the tedious examination of evidence’ that ‘kept me in the House fasting till 4 in the afternoon’. He was present to hear Lady Anglesey’s petition for maintenance on 1 Apr. but afterwards attended on just one more day. Coventry appears to have remained in London for at least a week more, taking advice on his own business, but, although he planned to have his case printed and the copies distributed to members of the House in case he should ‘have occasion to bring the affair on there’, he does not appear to have considered it necessary to attend in person.
Coventry returned to the country to find himself besieged on all sides once more with requests for his interest in the forthcoming elections. Sir Francis Russell sought his support for William Walsh and William Bromley‡ for Worcestershire.
Following his exertions in the elections, Coventry was missing at a call of the House on 5 Jan. 1702 but he was allowed little respite before the brief 1701–2 Parliament’s dissolution following the death of King William again forced him into electoral activity. In April 1702, Sir John Talbot considered approaching Coventry in the hopes that he might reverse his usual objection to Sir John Pakington, but in alliance with Sir Francis Russell and Sir Thomas Cookes Winford‡ Coventry once more set his weight behind William Walsh.
Coventry resumed his seat in the House on 26 Nov. 1702. His motivation was primarily a desire to make progress in his suit against King and he lost no time in waiting on two of the delegates, Montagu Bertie, 2nd earl of Abingdon, and Francis North, 2nd Baron Guilford.
The dangerous bill I mentioned in my last is passed our house, though not without great amendments, the penalties very much lessened, and the peerage, I think exempted from being liable to them … The bill is sent to the Commons for their concurrence, though how they will relish the amendments is very uncertain.
Badminton mss, FMT/B1/1/1/20.
On 17 Dec., although missing from the attendance lists, Coventry does appear to have attended the House in the afternoon, having spent the morning at Doctors Commons pursuing his affair against Gregory King. He found the demands of life in London taxing and he complained to his wife: ‘I confess myself already weary with the thoughts of it, though I shall with more satisfaction undergo the toil since I have the promises of a great many lords that they will be present at the hearing, and I shall endeavour still to engage more.’ Despite his good intentions, Coventry appears to have been unable to ‘undergo the toil’ and, troubled by a persistent cough, he sat for only two more days before once again retiring to the country.
A list compiled by Daniel Finch, 2nd earl of Nottingham, in January 1703 reckoned Coventry to be an opponent of the bill to prevent occasional conformity. In May, Coventry found himself in trouble over his refusal to involve himself at Westminster and he was warned that his failure to take out his commission as custos rotulorum for Worcestershire, despite having been told to do so in the House six months previously, had attracted the attention of the lord keeper.
Although Coventry showed little inclination to return to Parliament that autumn, he was included in a forecast compiled by Charles Spencer, 3rd earl of Sunderland, in November as an opponent of the bill against occasional conformity. A division on the issue on 14 Dec. 1703 listed Coventry as having voted against it by proxy, but no record of the proxy has survived. The same year, Coventry’s case in the court of chivalry was temporarily suspended, and in March 1704 the death of Henry Yelverton, Viscount Longueville, one of the delegates, was the occasion of a further delay in the case, as King objected to the new constitution of the court.
Settlement with the Savages failed to bring Coventry’s travails to a close and in April 1705 he and his brother were involved in a dispute with All Souls College, Oxford, over the rights to a copyhold estate.
Despite his poor record of attendance in the House and decidedly lukewarm attitude to involvement in politics, in 1706 Coventry was elected recorder of the city of Coventry.
On 5 Feb. 1707 the 1705 Coventry election was declared void, and on 20 Feb. Coventry’s support was applied for once more by Edward Hopkins‡ and Sir Orlando Bridgeman‡ for their candidature in the re-election.
As England has been remarkable for a Heptarchy, or government by 7 kings, so Warwickshire is like to be no less famed for an attempt made to govern that branch of the kingdom by 7 electors who … have very imperiously and unanimously fixed upon Mordaunt and Archer; but so very few gentlemen appearing ’tis thought the tide is turned and that some person incognito has secured the greatest part of the interest with an attempt to oppose, [even] if he does not carry the election.
Ibid. FMT/B1/1/1/34; HP Commons, 1690–1715, ii. 622.
Coventry was thought unlikely to be ‘very zealous’ in assisting with the influx of poor Palatines into the county in June 1709.
