William Cecil was born on 28 Mar. 1591, the only son of Robert Cecil, secretary of state to both Elizabeth I and James I. He was created a knight of the Bath on 6 Jan. 1605 and four months later, when his father was created earl of Salisbury, became known by the courtesy title of Viscount Cranborne. As the only heir to the earldom he lived an indulged and privileged life, heavily promoted at court by his father, who was growing increasingly rich throughout the two decades at the turn of the century through the various perquisites of the many offices he held.
Cranborne inherited the earldom of Salisbury upon his father’s death on 24 May 1612. The death of his father and of his patron Henry, prince of Wales, in November of that year cut short the new earl’s assured rise at court, and he did not receive further advancement under James I. Instead he turned to taking up a prominent role in local administration. The family’s centre of power was Hertfordshire and was centred around Hatfield House, the grand Jacobean residence which the first earl of Salisbury had built on the site of the former royal palace there which he had received after exchanging his hunting lodge of Theobalds Palace with James I. The Cecil family’s townhouse of Salisbury House on the Strand in Westminster gave Salisbury a base close to Parliament and also an influence in the governance of the capital, both in Westminster and Middlesex. Salisbury also owned, through an earlier grant to his father, the manor of the dissolved Cranborne priory in Dorset (hence the earldom’s courtesy title).
he continued so obsequious to the court that he never failed in over-acting all that he was required to do. No act of power was ever proposed which he did not advance, and execute his part, with the utmost rigour. No man so great a tyrant in his country, or was less swayed by any motives of justice or honour. He was a man of no words, except in hunting and hawking, in which he only knew how to behave himself. In matters of state and counsel he always concurred in what was proposed for the king.Clarendon, Rebellion, ii. 543.
Indeed, by 1621, after the fall of Sir Francis Bacon†, Viscount St Albans, there was no competitor to Salisbury among the nobility in Hertfordshire either in wealth or authority. Salisbury thus also acted as the leading electoral patron in Hertfordshire throughout the elections of the 1620s and perhaps even in 1640. Salisbury also had a strong interest in the parliamentary borough of St Albans, located near his house at Hatfield, and he and the governors of the corporation negotiated before each election about how many burgesses Salisbury had the right to nominate. The franchise of the county town of Hertford had lapsed after 1376, but its corporation, supported by the town’s high steward Salisbury, lobbied for its re-enfranchisement, a petition which was supported by the crown and granted before the election of 1624. For the remaining elections of the decade Salisbury had the nomination of at least one burgess for that constituency and his interest, and that of his family, in the county town was further strengthened when Charles I granted him the castle and manor of Hertford in 1630. The Cecils, both as earls and later marquesses of Salisbury, continued to act as high stewards of the town for the following two centuries at least. Salisbury also had a claim to electoral interest in Old Sarum through his possession of the castle and warren there. His interest was disputed by William Herbert†, 3rd earl of Pembroke, but after Pembroke’s death in 1630 Salisbury entered into a more co-operative relation, indeed a friendship (which was to have important consequences), with the new earl, Philip Herbert†, 4th earl of Pembroke, and by 1640 the two had agreed to divide between themselves the nomination of candidates for Old Sarum.
After the accession of Charles I, Salisbury initially received a few prominent marks of royal favour. His inability to progress further in Charles’s favour may have been owing to the dislike of George Villiers†, duke of Buckingham, and to Salisbury’s own patronage of radical puritan clerics, who found a favourable reception at Hatfield House during the 1630s. In the early days of the Long Parliament he was initially indecisive about what position to take, but by March 1642 the parliamentarians trusted him sufficiently to make him lord lieutenant of both Hertfordshire and Dorset.
After the execution of the king and the abolition of the House of Lords, Salisbury was persuaded by Pembroke to accept and support the Commonwealth. He was elected to the Council of State and quickly became integrated in the ceremonial intended to legitimize the Commonwealth. He and Pembroke, with Edward Howard, Baron Howard of Escrick, were the only members of the peerage to take advantage of the provision in the 1649 ordinance for the abolition of the House of Lords that allowed them to stand for the Commons. He voted in favour of offering the crown to the Protector on 25 Mar. 1657, but surprisingly he was not nominated to Cromwell’s ‘Other House’ in November, despite already being a peer. He attended the Commons again at the reconvening of the Rump in May 1659 following the fall of the Protectorate. Here he was joined by Philip Herbert, 5th earl of Pembroke, the son and heir of his friend and colleague the 4th earl, who had died in 1650 and had appointed Salisbury one of his executors.
In drawing up his list of the potential membership of the Convention House of Lords, Salisbury’s colleague from the 1640s, Philip Wharton, 4th Baron Wharton, placed him and Pembroke at the head of his brief list of ‘lords who sat in both houses’ during the previous 20 years. There was no suggestion here that Salisbury would be unable to sit in the Convention and he resumed his seat in the House on 1 May 1660. However, other contemporaries were sure that Salisbury’s involvement with the Commonwealth and Protectorate, and particularly his membership in an assembly, the Rump, which had voted through the abolition of the House of Lords, would not go unpunished. Edward Montagu, earl of Sandwich, assured the king and Samuel Pepys‡ on 4 May that Salisbury and Pembroke would be ‘put out’ and ‘cashiered’ from the restored House, but had to backtrack two days later upon being informed of Salisbury’s successful and unhindered entrance into the House.
After the influx of royalist peers in the House from 1 June 1660, the rumours that he would be ‘degraded’ resurfaced. His previous activities became an issue from 11 July when the House considered the Indemnity bill, from which it was thought Salisbury would be excepted because of his role in the Rump. On 18 July, though, Salisbury was conveniently granted the king’s pardon for all his offences of the past 20 years.
Salisbury was instructed to attend the coronation of April 1661, ‘furnished and appointed’ suitable to his rank and quality.
On 8 May 1661 Salisbury was present in the House for the first day of the Cavalier Parliament and thereafter attended 46 per cent of sittings of that session. He only came to a little more than one third of the sittings in the first part of the session in spring 1661. On 15 June 1661 the House ordered his wife, the countess of Salisbury, to be summoned before the committee for privileges in the matter of the peerage claim of Nicholas Knollys, 3rd earl of Banbury, whose family was intermarried with her own family of the Howards. On 28 June Salisbury was named to the committee to consider the bill to clean the streets in Westminster, a measure in which he would have had a personal interest as the owner of Salisbury House on the Strand. The following day Salisbury’s parliamentary privilege was employed to halt legal proceedings involving an ejectment from Brownsea Island in Dorset, part of Salisbury’s property in that county. On 11 July 1661 he opposed the claims of Aubrey de Vere, 20th earl of Oxford, for the office of great chamberlain against those of the incumbent Montagu Bertie, 2nd earl of Lindsey. He did not return to the House immediately when it resumed on 20 Nov. 1661. At a call of the House on 25 Nov. he was recorded as sick, but at this time Salisbury was also preoccupied with the arrangements for the marriage of his grandson and heir Cranborne to Margaret, the daughter of John Manners, 8th earl of Rutland. Rutland promised a portion of £9,000 with his daughter, but the marriage did not take place until 1665, presumably owing to the youth of the couple, both well below their majorities.
Salisbury was present for the first day of the 1663 session and attended 35 per cent of the sittings. He was named to two committees, for the bills concerning abatements of writs of error (established on 21 Mar.) and for the improvement of Ashdown Forest (11 Apr.). On 13 Apr. the House heard the claims of a breach of Salisbury’s privilege, in which the deputy lieutenants of Somerset had allegedly over-assessed Salisbury for his moiety of the rectory of Martock, and in February his tenants there were levied £20 in lieu of the horse and arms charged on the earl. The House referred the matter to the committee for privileges, but it does not appear that the matter was ever reported back to the House. Salisbury attended the House for the last time that session on 14 Apr. and on that same day registered his proxy with his old parliamentarian colleague Edward Montagu, 2nd earl of Manchester. Wharton forecast that Manchester would use Salisbury’s proxy to add to his own vote on 13 July in support of the attempt by George Digby, 2nd earl of Bristol, to impeach Clarendon. There has been a misapprehension among some historians that at the time of Bristol’s impeachment of Clarendon, the elderly Salisbury was writing detailed letters on its proceedings to Theophilus Hastings, 7th earl of Huntingdon, then still in his minority, and with whom Salisbury had no known family or regional connection. This claim arises through a misreading of the name of Huntingdon’s actual newsletter correspondent, Thomas Salusbury. It must be noted that the earl of Salisbury was not present in the House to witness or comment on these proceedings.
Salisbury was in the House again on 16 Mar. 1664, the first day of the new session, and he attended 11 of the sittings, 31 per cent of the total, but was not named to any committees. He last sat in the House for the session on 5 Apr. and eight days later again registered his proxy with Manchester. He did not attend either of the following two sessions, that of 1664-5 nor that convened in Oxford in October 1665. Salisbury had other matters to occupy him. In 1665 the marriage of Viscount Cranborne to Lady Margaret Manners was finally celebrated, and over the following years Salisbury continued to develop his close relationship with both the earl and countess of Rutland, while the countess of Salisbury looked to the countess of Rutland for a loan of £200, news of which was to be kept strictly secret from her husband Salisbury.
Salisbury attended the autumn 1666 session for only 15 sittings, 17 per cent of the total. He first sat on 22 Nov. 1666, two months after the start of business, and six days later, on 28 Nov., he was named to two committees on legislation, one for the bill to allow Sir Richard Franklin‡, Member for Hertfordshire, to sell part of his estate, and the other to unite some parish churches in Southampton. On 3 Dec. he attended the ceremony at Whitehall where the infant James Stuart, duke of Cambridge, was installed as a knight of the Garter.
He nevertheless maintained, and even renewed, his electoral interests. In 1666 and 1668 he was involved in by-elections in both the county of Hertfordshire and the borough of St Albans. The spring of 1668 was particularly busy, and expensive, for Salisbury, for there were concurrent by-elections in both Hertfordshire and St Albans. In April 1668 he helped to secure the election of his grandson Viscount Cranborne at Hertfordshire, apparently with the help of the Quakers, who feared Cranborne’s opponent, a rigorous Anglican high churchman. The by-election at St Albans in May 1668 saw the return of Samuel Grimston‡ of Gorhambury, perhaps with the aid of Salisbury, for the earl’s agents recorded on 14 May, the day before the return was sealed, that ‘our rotten election at St Albans cost us near £1,200, and without extraordinary supplies will starve us before Michaelmas’.
