Bate’s origins are a matter for speculation. There was a Bate family long established at Coventry, and, in view of our MP’s own connexions with that city, it is tempting to identify him as one of them.
It is probable that the MP is to be identified with ‘Bate’ who entered Lincoln’s Inn between 1427 and 1434.
It is hard to explain Bate’s marriage and his sudden emergence to prominence thereafter without assuming that he enjoyed active baronial patronage. Although there is no firm evidence to place him in the service of Humphrey Stafford, earl of Stafford and (from 1444) duke of Buckingham, until 1446, his nomination to the quorum of the Warwickshire bench in November 1441 and his election to Parliament for the county on the following 25 Dec. are difficult to explain unless he was already in Stafford’s service.
Bate’s marriage led him into a predictable dispute with the heir to the Cockayne lands, namely his stepson, John. John had still been a minor at his father’s death, but, on coming of age, he was understandably discomforted by the generosity of the provision made for his mother. On 26 May 1443 a group of his servants, headed by a gentleman of Ashbourne, John Fowne, forcibly broke Bate’s close at Pooley and feloniously took over 500 sheep valued at £51. Worse allegedly soon followed: on 7 June Cockayne himself led an assault on his stepmother at Pooley. Such tactics were unlikely to further Cockayne’s cause. As a Warwickshire j.p. Bate was well placed to secure indictments against a man who was without countervailing influence in the county. On the following 18 June he was among five j.p.s. who took an indictment for assault against Cockayne, and, on 11 Jan. 1445, he was again present on the bench when Fowne and others were indicted for the alleged offences of May 1443.
Bate’s career prospered in the wake of the settlement of his dispute with Cockayne. On 23 Nov. 1446, described as ‘of Pooley, gentleman’, he offered mainprise before the barons of the Exchequer for a lease taken by a fellow lawyer, John Filoll*; and on the following day he joined with his wife in securing a general pardon.
Bate’s election to a second Parliament compensated him for the failure of patronage to secure him an important local office a year earlier. In a letter dated 6 Mar. of an unspecified year (but almost certainly 1448) Queen Margaret, perhaps acting at the instance of Duke Humphrey, wrote to the mayor, bailiffs and commons of Coventry seeking Bate’s nomination as recorder there at the impending vacancy of that office, ‘aswel for his suffisiant of cunnyng and habilite thereto, as in especial for the humble instance and prayer of certein oure servants right negh attending aboute oure personne’.
If the Coventry authorities were not anxious to acquire Bate’s services, their reservations were not shared by Richard Neville, who became earl of Warwick jure uxoris in 1449. In constructing a retinue in his new environment, it is not surprising that he should have looked favourably on one of the county’s leading men of law, and, on 20 Feb. 1451, he granted Bate a life annuity of five marks.
At about this time Bate’s career may have begun to move in another sphere, that of the Exchequer. On 12 Aug. 1453 he was commissioned alongside several Exchequer officials, headed by Thomas Thorpe*, one of the barons of the Exchequer, and another Warwickshire man, John Brome II*, to compel the payment of debts due to the Crown by the men of Merioneth, Caernarvon and Anglesey. Since he himself later named another Exchequer man, William Essex*, as one of his executors, he clearly had connexions there, presumably through the Neville earl, who had a title, albeit a disputed one, to one of the hereditary chamberlainships.
Death spared Bate from having to make the choice between the duke and the earl. He made a long and detailed will on 24 June 1459 and was dead by the following 8 July.
