Thomas Crackenthorpe had little to look forward to in terms of inheritance. William, his father, had been assessed at only £15 p.a. in the subsidy returns of 1435-6, and it was his elder brother, John, who was heir to the lands from which this income derived.
Crackenthorpe’s legal training helps to explain his marriage to a wealthy widow, a common resort for a lawyer making his way in the world. In 1446 he took the hand of the coheiress to the lands of the Tilliols, one of the greatest gentry families of the north-west, and widow of another of the leading local families, the Moresbys.
Even so, it made Crackenthorpe a man of far greater account that he would otherwise have been and he soon came to take a role in local affairs commensurate with his new-found wealth. His status was also enhanced by an association with the Percys which appears to have become increasingly close as his career progressed. Indeed, although there is no evidence to place him in their service before his marriage, their patronage may have been a factor in the making of that match for they were the overlords of his wife’s manors of Distington and Ireby. However this may be, his connexion with them was certainly established by 1 May 1447, when he witnessed a grant of goods to Sir Thomas Percy (from 1449, Lord Egremont).
Crackenthorpe’s service to the Percys probably occasioned his nomination, on 9 Nov. 1448, as sheriff of Cumberland. This came at a troubled time: the Scots had recently burned the suburbs of Carlisle and then inflicted a humiliating defeat on an English army commanded by Henry Percy, Lord Poynings, only two weeks before our MP took office. This gave Crackenthorpe the pretext to petition to serve on favourable terms. On the following 29 Dec. he secured letters of privy seal notifying the Exchequer that he was to account only for what he could collect of the county farm and other charges.
To this advantage Crackenthorpe added one far more personal: the power of the shrievalty could be put to the defence of his wife’s estates against the rival claimant. According to a much later account, it had been her father’s intention that the bulk of his estates, including the castle of Scaleby, should pass to the other coheir at common law, William Colville, the eldest son of his eldest daughter, on condition that he bore the ancient name of Tilliol. There must be a doubt about the truth of this story, but it has the merit of explaining why Colville adopted that name and why our MP quarreled with him.
The continuing need to defend his wife’s inheritance does much to explain the course of Crackenthorpe’s career. It may have made him happy to succeed his rival as escheator when his term as sheriff concluded (indeed, for nine days he, nominally at least, held both offices). More importantly, it prompted him to draw closer to the Percys. Indeed, he probably had at least their tacit support in the dispute, for Pennington, one of the j.p.s who had Tilliol indicted, numbered among their principal retainers in the county.
Crackenthorpe’s second election to Parliament is very puzzling. On 3 July 1455 he was returned in company with (Sir) Thomas Parr*, a wealthy knight connected with the Nevilles, to represent Westmorland, a county in which he held little or no property. Again it seems his election was a compromise between the interests of the two great northern families; yet the Percys were poorly placed to influence the election held in the wake of the triumph of York and the Nevilles at the first battle of St. Albans and the death of the earl of Northumberland there. They had certainly been unable to influence those held for Cumberland and Carlisle two days before, and Crackenthorpe’s successful candidature remains anomalous. The appearance of his enemies, William Tilliol and Robert Colville, among the Cumberland electors raises the possibility that he had unsuccessfully attempted to secure election there. His election two days later for the neighbouring shire underlines his determination to attend the assembly, and one may infer a personal motive. Significantly, the election was conducted by his stepson, Christopher Moresby, as deputy sheriff. Since Moresby, as his mother’s heir, had an even greater interest than our MP in defending the Tilliol estates, he may have used the office’s electoral influence in the interests of that defence by securing his stepfather’s return to Parliament. In that aim he was aided by at least two of the attestors, our MP’s kinsmen, John Crackenthorpe* and Richard Crackenthorpe.
Despite the eclipse of his political patrons, Crackenthorpe seems to have put his time at Westminster to good use. There is nothing to show whether he was successful in forwarding his quarrel with Tilliol there, but on 30 July 1455, the day before the first prorogation of the assembly, he won another minor mark of royal patronage, namely a grant of the marriages of Haltclough’s two daughters for the modest payment of 40s.
If, however, such measures brought Crackenthorpe the secure enjoyment of his wife’s inheritance, it was only a short-term victory. His aspirations were thwarted not by any recovery on the part of his rival, but by his wife’s death on 5 Aug. 1459. Since he had no issue by her, his legal interest in the Tilliol lands died with her. Their defence now fell to his stepson, Moresby, although Crackenthorpe was able to delay his entry into them. Writs of diem clausit extremum were issued on 29 Aug., but not until 12 July 1460 was an inquisition post mortem held, returning Moresby as heir. He was duly awarded livery soon afterwards, perhaps significantly when the Yorkists were once more in charge of government.
