Although the Feldyngs had held land in Leicestershire since the reign of Henry III, even in the fifteenth century, by now resident at Lutterworth, they were still relatively minor gentry by comparison with their similarly long-established neighbours. Geoffrey’s place in the family is uncertain: he bore the same arms as William Feldyng, the shire knight, and may have been the latter’s uncle, and hence a younger son of another William who attested the Warwickshire election of 1425.
Feldyng became a successful merchant, engaging in trade in a wide range of commodities between England and the continent. While not among the largest exporters of wool through Calais, he was nevertheless a prominent figure: in 1450-1, for instance, the staplers sought extra finance in order to cover the running expenses of the garrison pending the repayment of hefty loans that some of them had advanced to the Crown. The Grocers’ Company agreed to lend £477 (plus interest), and Feldyng along with William Cantelowe*, William Combes* and John Middleton* entered into obligations for repayment of £30 of that sum, which was, however, still owing a year later.
Feldyng’s comparatively low profile as a stapler may be partly explained by his activity in other spheres. Thus he was active in the export of cloth, and used the profits from these ventures to buy up mercery goods for shipment to England, often through the port of Southampton. In 1438-9 he imported linen cloth of various kinds, as well as fustian, while the following year he brought 100 pieces of tartarin cloth into the port on an Italian galley.
Both in London and further afield Feldyng built up an extensive network of business contacts. In London, these were reflected in the numerous ‘gifts’ of goods and chattels which were made to him during his career, either alone or with other merchants, devices which were frequently employed in order to provide security in credit transactions or for the financing of business ventures.
Feldyng’s main property holdings in London were located in the parish of St. Lawrence Jewry, although the full extent of these and his other tenements in the capital is not known. As early as 1435 a probably collusive plaint of intrusion was brought by Everard Flete* and a number of other men against Feldyng concerning a building in St. Lawrence’s parish,
Feldyng’s involvement in the affairs of London’s government saw him receive the first of many appointments to city committees when he was chosen to audit a ward assessment of 500 marks raised for London Bridge early in 1439, and in September that year he was elected as one of the four auditors of the city. Election for the first time as an MP followed shortly afterwards.
Feldyng served as auditor of London for four consecutive years, a relatively unusual occurrence and one which suggests that his expertise in financial matters was regarded highly by the city fathers. In parallel, he continued to serve on civic committtees, attested the election of the city’s MPs for the first time and was a collector in April 1442 of a corporate loan to the Crown of 2,000 marks. In July 1444 he was a member of a delegation from the court of aldermen to negotiate with representatives of the Weavers for a resolution of a long-running dispute between the craft and the City.
After a brief respite during the 12 months that followed the end of his shrievalty, Feldyng was plunged back into the minutiae of civic government in the autumn of 1448 when, despite having served for four years while a common councilman, he was chosen once again as an auditor, and re-elected a year later, while also serving on a string of city committees. In July 1451 he was chosen as one of those who were to raise finance for the defence of Calais, a cause that was naturally close to his heart. Three months later he was adopted as one of the candidates for the mayoralty, losing out in the election to William Gregory. By this time, however, the candidates were normally selected on the basis that one would serve for the coming year with the other likely to be elected the year after. Given this, and his experience of government, it was no surprise that on 13 Oct. 1452 Feldyng, currently master of the Mercers, was duly elected as mayor.
Already, his official duties had brought him into conflict with some of his neighbours. By February 1449 a serious quarrel had arisen between him and John Derby (elected sheriff with him in 1445), and the prominent grocer William Marowe*over a quantity of salt which Feldyng had seized from Marowe during his shrievalty. At the end of 1453 the matter was in the hands of the mayor, but with no sign of a compromise it was decided on 31 Jan. 1454 to place it into the hands of arbiters. Not surprisingly, perhaps, Feldyng opted for his fellow mercer and stapler William Cantelowe, while Marowe chose Stephen Forster*. The dispute was eventually resolved in July the same year by a meeting of the whole court of aldermen.
Parliament was dissolved the following month, and in its aftermath Feldyng returned to his work on civic committees.
In the light of these troubles, it is perhaps not surprising that although active as a merchant, and as mayor of the staple at Westminster, Feldyng now prepared to retire completely from public life. In December 1460 he appeared before the court to petition to be exonerated from his aldermanry. Although no reasons were noted by the common clerk his petition was granted, marking the end of his career in London’s government.
On 1 Sept. 1469 Feldyng made his will in which he asked to be buried at the north end of the altar of St. John in the church of St. Lawrence Jewry. There were elaborate arrangements for the dower of his widow, Angela. In the first place, Feldyng allocated ‘in name of her reasonable dower or purpart to her belongyng’ all Angela’s own clothing and jewelry. If she disagreed with Feldyng’s assessment of the extent of her dower then the bequest was to be void. Angela was also to have Feldyng’s property in Milk Street for the remaining term of its lease, with the exception the adjoining shop and its cellar and their contents, which were to remain in the hands of his executors. To this were added £100 in cash to maintain the household, the moveable contents of her dwelling house and plate of a total weight of 24 marks, which included a number of silver and gilt goblets and four dozen diamond encrusted spoons. An additional 20 marks p.a. was allocated to her out of his estate, which she was to have as long as she remained unmarried. If Angela married again, or failed to support Feldyng’s servants and apprentices, he instructed his executors to enter into his property ‘and therof to put out ye said Aungell my wife & also to take and seise all ye seyde payment of ye seyde sommes of money to be payd to her for the findyng and sustenaunce aforseyde’. In the event that Angela should break any of the conditions, she was nevertheless not to be penniless, for in this eventuality Feldyng allocated to her the sum of 1,000 marks, rather less than the total value of the other bequests, but no negligable sum. This legacy was to take the form of an annuity, payable at a rate of 100 marks a year.
More straightforward by comparison was Feldyng’s provision for his three sons, Thomas, Richard and John (the last still a minor). They were to receive a third of the residue of his estate, and he left £20 to the Mercers’ Company to ensure that they were admitted as members. The Mercers were also paid to enter Feldyng’s name on their bede roll, while a further memorial came from a bequest for the paving of the road from Bishopsgate to Finsbury which was to be marked ‘with a convenant croc of ston and a plate wt myn name in ye same to be made and sette in such place as can be thought most convenant’. Less ostentatious was his donation of all his gowns, hoods, doublets and furs, which were to be sold and the proceeds used to buy bedding and clothing for the poor. He also made clear arrangements for the repayment of debts which he owed: within a month of his death he asked that ‘open proclamacion be made at poules crosse in London Þ[a]t every persone Þ[a]t wtin a yer and a day next suyng make due prove by for myn executours of any dette by me than due unto him’. Feldyng chose as his executors his sons Thomas and Richard, with John to be included as well if he had attained the age of 21 by the time of his father’s death. He appointed John Middleton to oversee the administration of the will and his estate. Probate was granted on 1 Mar. 1470.
