William Hussey’s pedigree cannot be traced beyond any more remote antecedent than his father, who enjoyed a legal career of modest success. It was the father who established the family at Old Sleaford: in 1432 he purchased some 200 acres there and in neighbouring vills, probably as an addition to an earlier unrecorded acquisition. In the Kesteven subsidy returns of 1450-1 he was assessed on the respectable annual income of £10, and he played some part in local affairs. In 1432 he served briefly as customs collector in the port of Boston, and in May 1455 he was one of those commissioned in Kesteven to raise money for the defence of Calais.
Very little is known of Hussey’s early career. There is no record of his father after 1455, and it was probably at this date or soon afterwards that he came into his modest patrimony. By this time he was well on the way to completing an expensive education. The reference to Pembroke Hall in his will raises the possibility that he attended university, but, in the fifteenth century, such attendance was unusual for one destined for a career in the common law, and his more likely route to Gray’s Inn was through an inn of Chancery. If, as seems probable, he had a patron, such patronage has left no trace in the records. It was, however, no doubt helpful to him that his Lincolnshire neighbour, Richard Welby*, was a senior member of Gray’s Inn when, in the mid to late 1440s, William first became a student there. He makes only two appearances in the published records during the 1450s: on 20 July 1454 he stood as a mainpernor in Chancery on Richard Maryot’s appointment as alnager in Northamptonshire and Rutland, and on 20 Oct. 1455 he was in the London parish of St. Sepulchre to register a gift of chattels for enrolment on the close roll.
The date of Hussey’s marriage is not known, but, since his eldest son was politically active as early as 1481, it is a fair inference that it took place at about the time he entered his patrimony in the late 1450s. This is certainly consistent with the presence of his bride’s brother, Thomas Berkeley, at Lincoln’s Inn in these years. Their common residence in London reinforced an existing local connexion. The Berkeleys, although they had their principal estates in Leicestershire, had very strong affiliations with south Lincolnshire. Two of the bride’s aunts had married into leading families of that region – Elizabeth to Sir John Bussy of Hougham and Joan to Sir Nicholas Bowet of Rippingale – and her sister Edith, probably after her own marriage, became the wife of Mauncer Marmyon of Ringsdone in Rippingale. Kinship with a network of such prominent local families meant that the marriage marked a significant social advance for him.
To the advantages of education and kinship, Hussey soon added the further one of sound political judgement: he supported the Yorkists during the civil war of 1459-61. This is the clear inference to be drawn from the three references to him in these years: early in 1460 he acted as a pledge for the payment of a fine in the court of King’s bench by Humphrey Bourgchier*, a committed Yorkist with significant landed interests in Lincolnshire;
Thereafter there is a slight hiatus in Hussey’s career. It was not until nearly ten years later that he won any further advancement. The intervening period was one of consolidation. In July 1462 he took the routine precaution of suing out a general pardon, and, probably in the Lent term of 1464, he completed his formal legal training by reading for the second time.
The Readeption proved a brief setback – Hussey was removed from the bench to which he had just been appointed – but he increased his stock by rallying to Edward IV on his return.
Hussey’s energy was well rewarded. In Easter term 1474 he received a payment of over £125 for his fees and rewards, and he periodically received lesser sums from the Exchequer for ‘good service’. In the following December he was granted the next nomination to the church of Oundle (Northamptonshire), which the late abbot of Peterborough had given to the King.
The preparations for the King’s great expedition to France promised further to enhance the role of the energetic attorney-general. Late in February 1475 he was named among the feoffees in the duchy of Lancaster estates set aside as provision for the royal family; on 12 May he was one of those to whom the royal chamberlain, William, Lord Hastings, had licence to alienate property in preparation for the forthcoming expedition; and a month later his Lincolnshire neighbour, Sir Thomas Burgh†, another leading royal servant, chose him as a feoffee for the performance of his will. More importantly, he was named among the executors of the King’s will and as a councillor during the royal absence.
Hussey’s addition to the bench in Sussex in the summer of 1476 (and soon after to those of other home counties) shows that nomination as a justice of assize on the home circuit had been added to his responsibilities, and he was soon to have a much more important duty to perform. As the King’s attorney-general he was involved in the legal process which ended in the death of the duke of Clarence. His role may not have been confined to the legal for there is some indirect evidence that he deployed his local influence in the interests of securing favourable MPs for Lincolnshire to the 1478 assembly. On 5 Jan. 1478 the election of two household men, Burgh and Robert Tailboys†, was attested by several local lawyers closely associated with the attorney- general: Leonard Thornburgh, Richard Welby†, Richard Spert, Thomas Wymbyssh and Robert Ingoldesby were all prominent among those employed by our MP in his private transactions. On 3 Mar. his part in Clarence’s downfall was rewarded by a life grant of the surveyorship of the dead duke’s estates and the stewardship of his Rutland lands.
It was in these years that Hussey began to amass the great wealth that funded the piecemeal purchase of an extensive estate. His major acquisitions appear to have come in two phases and the first was his seven years as attorney-general. Indeed, nearly half of the surviving Lincolnshire feet of fines for these years concern his land purchases. The first two were made at the expense of his near neighbour, William Slory: in 1473 Slory sold him only a few acres of meadowland in Old Sleaford, but in the following year he surrendered over 500 acres there and in surrounding vills.
After his creation as serjeant-at-law, Hussey had to wait very little time before elevation to the rank of King’s serjeant. He held that rank by the following Michaelmas term, and he continued to serve the Crown in much the same way as he had done as attorney-general. He remained, for example, very active on the duchy council. On 22 June 1478 he was present at a meeting at Pontefract, and in the following November he attended four meetings, although at the more convenient locations of Westminster and Blackfriars.
Hussey’s administrative experience and personal service to Edward IV were sound recommendations for his accelerated promotion. In the following May he was elevated to the office of chief justice despite his lack of judicial experience. That promotion came over the heads of an existing j.KB, his friend, Guy Fairfax, and of two serjeants of greater seniority, William Jenney* and John Catesby, but such disregard for seniority was not uncommon in the selection of a chief justice. It was more unusual for one with so few years as a serjeant to be appointed, and in this respect Hussey’s promotion has much in common with that of two other noted chief justices, Robert Tresilian† and John Fortescue*. No doubt there was a political context to each of these appointments, but all three men were probably distinguished from their fellows by ability as well as connexion. Whether Hussey welcomed his quick promotion is another question, for he had had little time to profit from his serjeant’s monopoly of audience in the court of common pleas. On the other hand, nor had he had to serve a term in the less desirable capacity of puisne justice. The chief justice was more handsomely remunerated than his juniors, with fees from the Crown totalling £175 (including £20 p.a. as an assize justice) supplemented by a seventh of the fees paid by litigants for the sealing of writs of process. Even this was less than a serjeant could earn, but the higher office brought honour and an access to royal patronage beyond the reach of any mere serjeant. Hussey soon had an illustration of these rewards. On 12 June 1481, the day on which he had formal grant of his judicial fees, his son and heir, John, was named as his successor as surveyor of the lands late of the duke of Clarence in Lincolnshire, despite the fact that he was not yet of age.
Some insight into Hussey’s character and his activities outside the court over which he presided is provided in surviving letters concerning the execution of the will of Ralph, Lord Cromwell. One, written by John Gigur, master of Cromwell’s college at Tattershall, to the principal executor, William Waynflete, bishop of Winchester, describes a dinner on 25 Aug. 1482 at Sleaford, presumably in our MP’s house, at which Gigur discussed with him matters of difference between the executors and one of the heirs, Lady Willoughby. Hussey appears as decisive and impatient. Gigur showed him a bill of instructions he had received from the bishop, only to be peremptorily told that all the matters contained therein had been concluded and that further discussion was unnecessary. None the less, the result of the dinner deliberations was favourable to the executors. A few days later Hussey rode to Tattershall, where he advised Lady Willoughby to settle her differences with them and offered to speed the process of settlement during the next law term. Gigur sagely suggested to the bishop that it would be politic to offer special thanks to the chief justice for his interventions.
Another testimony to Hussey’s talents is the skill with which he negotiated the political turmoil which overtook the realm during his early years as chief justice. Whatever his private views about the means by which Richard III acquired the throne, there can be no doubt that he offered the new regime his tacit support and proved more than ready to exploit the new King’s desperate generosity. However uneasily it may have sat with his position as executor to Edward IV and to the two most prominent victims of the usurpation, Anthony, Earl Rivers, and William, Lord Hastings, he was among those present at the coronation of the usurper on 6 July 1483 and in the retinue with which the new King departed London a fortnight later.
This apparent circumspection meant that Hussey was not politically compromised by the investment Richard III had made in his loyalty. On 20 Sept. 1485, less than a month after the battle of Bosworth, he was re-granted his fees as chief justice; soon after he was among those authorized by Henry VII to test the rights of those claiming to owe service at his coronation; and on 12 Dec. he secured a general pardon.
In the early years of Henry VII’s reign Hussey embarked on a second period of estate acquisition. Before 1487 he agreed to buy from another lawyer, Alfred Corneburgh†, the former Percy manors of ‘Dagenhams’ and ‘Cockerels’ in Essex, no doubt to serve as a convenient base for London. These were held of the queen’s manor of Havering atte Bower, and on 2 Mar. 1492 she confirmed his right in them, a confirmation repeated by the King three months later. In 1487 he added the manor of Sapperton near Grantham to his south Lincolnshire lands, but for further acquisitions he was obliged to look a little further afield to neighbouring Rutland.
The chief justice made his will on 15 Dec. 1494.
trusting stedfastily to be sayued by the Infinite merites of Cristes passion and the great mercy of god Which is not denyed to any cristen man that effectually desireth it and will foresake synne and trust by dedes of charitee as prayer and almes to be releued from peynes ffourthermore also seeing furst the casualties of this World I haue not doon soo large almes as I wold haue doon.
His ‘wretchid body’ was, if he should die in the capital, to be buried at the London Charterhouse, but, if he should die at home, then at the Gilbertine priory of Sempringham or the Benedictine abbey of Peterborough. He was to have ‘noo pompouse exequyes’, but on the same night and day as his death £20 was to be spent in dirges, masses and alms to poor people. His concern that he had not ‘doon soo large alms’ as he would have liked is reflected in the elaborate instructions he left for both the saying of masses for his soul (including a bequest of the large sum of 100 marks p.a. to endow prayers at his place of burial) and a program of charitable works in the neighbourhood of his estates. His executors were to establish a permanent fund of 40 marks from which loans were to be made to poor men unable to pay their rent or buy seed, the loans to be repaid when the borrower was able to make a profitable sale of his goods. More expensive was his endowment of a lecture in divinity in the common school of the university of Cambridge. For this he provided for the alienation in mortmain of lands worth 20 marks to the college of Pembroke Hall, a fellow of which was to have first refusal on the nomination as reader, and left complicated instructions for the saying of masses at the university for his soul and the welfare of his family. Hussey’s great career meant that he was easily able to invest so heavily in his soul’s health without seriously diminishing the resources available to provide for his wife and children. He bequeathed his widow the handsome sum of £1,000, half in money and half in plate, and he left 600 marks to the marriage of his daughter Elizabeth.
to be as I take theym my moost true frendis and to pray for me that it may pleas my lord god of his greate mercy and by the meritees of his moost bitter payne and glorious passion to delyuere me from those many and grete paynes which after his rightuenes ar due to me and to receyve me to his kyngdome with his electe children there euer to reigne with him in true felicite.
The precise date of Hussey’s death is uncertain. Writs of diem clausit extremum were first issued on 21 Aug. 1495 for the counties of Lincolnshire and Essex, and further writs for Middlesex (where nothing is known of his holdings) and Rutland were delayed until 2 Sept. and 30 Oct. respectively. Only two inquisitions survive – for Essex and Rutland – and they contradict the evidence of the writs by dating his death to 8 Sept. Curiously, however, in both documents the date of death is written over an erasure in a different ink from that of the rest of the text, and all that can be said with certainty is that he died either shortly before 21 Aug. or that the early writs were issued in error and that he survived into the following month.
The death of the chief justice’s widow united the Hussey land in the hands of their eldest son, Sir John, who already before his father’s death had become well established at the royal court. His career was as brilliant as the judge’s and culminated in elevation to the peerage as Lord Hussey in 1529. It ended, however, in tragedy with execution and attainder for implication in the Pilgrimage of Grace. None the less, the Husseys, in their various branches, long remained prominent in Lincolnshire affairs.
