A man of obscure background, Lampet was perhaps a relative of William Lampet of Brightwell, Suffolk.
While there is no evidence that Lampet had inherited property at Stody, he did come to acquire an interest in the manor there, settled on him and his wife Margaret for their lives in survivorship in 1441, with remainder to the heirs of the body of John Braunche. A younger son of a knight of the same name, Braunche had succeeded to the manor after his mother, Katherine, had assigned it to him in her will of 1420. The circumstances in which it passed to the Lampets are unknown (although it is possible that Margaret Lampet was John Braunche’s widow) and it had returned to the Braunches, in the person of Robert Braunche, by 1471.
Notwithstanding his East Anglian origins and lands, Lampet must have spent a considerable amount of time outside the region, particularly in the earlier part of his career. By the autumn of 1436 he was serving under the earl of Huntingdon as lieutenant constable at the Tower of London. In November that year he received a commission in his capacity as Holand’s deputy to inquire into boats permanently anchored on the Thames between London Bridge and Gravesend with fixed nets and other tackle, obstructing navigation and destroying the supply of fish. Again, it was as lieutenant that he featured in a bill filed in Chancery at some stage in the same decade by Robert Walcote, a shearman from London. Walcote claimed that Richard Launde, esquire, had forcibly disseised him of the manor of ‘Neubury’ in Holland, Lincolnshire, in 1420. He also alleged that Launde had retained men to murder him because he risked forfeiting a fine of £1,000 to the Crown if the shearman won a suit he had brought against him. Walcote added that afterwards Launde and Lampet had imprisoned him in the Tower: he had managed to secure a writ for his release, but was obliged to enter a bond for £100 to Ralph, apparently to ensure that he would not sue him for his imprisonment. He added that one of Launde’s servants had tried to kill him after his release, meaning that he was now afraid to continue his legal action against Launde and that the King stood to lose a substantial fine. In conclusion, he requested that two lawyers, including the serjeant-at-law, Thomas Fulthorpe, should act on his behalf in the courts and asked for the cancellation of the obligation Lampet had taken from him.
As far as the evidence goes, Lampet’s links with Holand predated his association with Great Yarmouth, which may have begun when the Crown appointed him a customs collector there in January 1439.
Lampet was already active as a merchant before gaining the freedom of Yarmouth, since he and others, including Thomas Beklyswode of London, had petitioned the King in 1438, to protest that a riotous mob had stolen wheat worth 104 marks from them at Ipswich, prompting the Crown to appoint a powerful special commission of oyer and terminer, headed by the earl of Suffolk, to investigate. In the following year he stood surety for a couple of fellow traders in grain from Acle, Norfolk, whom the Crown licensed to buy wheat and barley in that county and to ship it to London.
Besides pursuing his own mercantile interests, Lampet was an agent or factor for others in East Anglia and elsewhere. The most important of these clients was Alice de la Pole, marchioness (afterwards duchess) of Suffolk, for whom he shipped wool from Yarmouth during the second half of the 1440s.
The brief spell that Lampet spent as Hoper’s receiver coincided with his only known Parliament. Presumably he and his fellow MP, John Lowys II*, were involved in securing the total exemption of Great Yarmouth from the subsidies that the Commons granted to the King. Just before the Parliament dissolved, however, their borough and the city of Norwich were called upon to contribute a joint loan of £100 to the Crown.
Just over half a year after the expiry of that term, Lampet joined John Heydon, Reynold Rous and other members of the de la Pole affinity in conveying lands near Bishop’s Lynn to Thomas, Lord Scales.
Later, Lampet was involved in the disputes over Sir John Fastolf’s will. Following the knight’s death on 5 Nov. 1459, John Paston* produced a document, dated the previous 3 Nov. and purportedly Fastolf’s nuncupative will. It recorded that at about harvest time 1457 Sir John had declared Paston (his ‘best frende and helper’) the heir to his Norfolk estate, and had ordered Lampet and the prior of Yarmouth, among those present at Caister when this declaration was made, to record it. One of the jurors when the inquisition post mortem into Fastolf’s Norfolk lands was held at Acle in October 1460, Ralph upheld Paston’s cause over the next few years, and in March 1463 he testified formally that Fastolf had indeed made such a declaration. It is not known whether he sincerely believed that Paston had a just claim to the Fastolf lands; Paston’s opponents claimed that he had bought Lampet’s support with bribes.
At this date Lampet was possibly still engaged with (or had recently concluded) his duties as an executor of Sir John’s cousin and namesake, not an entirely smooth task. In his will John of Yarmouth had left directions for the sale of his manor of Oulton and other estates in Lothingland, Suffolk, after the death of his widow, Katherine, should that prove necessary to settle his debts and provide for his two daughters and heirs. It appears that Lampet and a fellow executor, Alexander Kyngestone of Yarmouth, had ended up trying but failing to sell the reversion of Oulton (to vest after Katherine’s death) to the lawyer William Jenney* in 1459. In the end, the attempted sale, which may have involved some sharp practice on Jenney’s part, did not occur since afterwards Katherine would sell the reversion to another lawyer, James Hobart†.
Lampet was involved in another controversy in the wake of his final term as a bailiff of Great Yarmouth. Following the expiry of that term in the autumn of 1462, a fellow burgess, John Bonde, sued him and Thomas Iryng, his co-bailiff of 1461-2, in the Chancery. Bonde said that he had entered into a security with them as bailiffs, to guarantee that Batholomew Garon would account to them for the amercements and rents within the borough that they had assigned him to collect. He added that Garon had subsequently proffered a true account to Iryng before joining the King’s forces in the north, where he died at the ‘field of York’ (presumably one of the skirmishes between recalcitrant Lancastrians and government forces which took place in the northern England in the early 1460s). The bailiffs had nevertheless claimed that the plaintiff had been Garon’s associate as collector and that he still owed £20 for his time as such. The purpose of Bonde’s bill was to have an action that Lampet and Iryng had brought against him in the borough court for the alleged debt removed to Chancery, where their actions could be scrutinized.
Having relinquished the office of bailiff for the last time, Lampet devoted his energies to his own affairs. At the beginning of 1464 he brought a series of suits in the borough court against Edmund Stokeman, vicar of Upton, a parish situated a few miles north-west of Yarmouth. The court found for Lampet in one of these suits, a plea of trespass and rescue, awarding him very substantial damages of £60 and costs of 100s., but it is not known what Stokeman, by then a prisoner in the town’s jail, had done.
In June the following year Lampet was the defendant in another lawsuit, this time in the borough court at Yarmouth. The plaintiffs, Hamon Pulham* and John Alman, the bailiffs of Yarmouth in 1465-6, alleged that he owed them £20. Three years later, he himself sued two Dutchmen (probably merchants) in the same court, claiming they owed him £26.
