Dubbed the ‘Nestor of the Irish Whigs’ by Richard Sheil*, Newport, who had joined Brooks’s, sponsored by Lord Fitzwilliam, 11 June 1812, was considered by Lord Holland to be ‘the best informed and most upright Irish politician (with the sole exception of Grattan) that we have had in Parliament since the Union’.
At the 1820 general election Newport was again returned unopposed for his native Waterford under the terms of an 1818 compact between his family and the other leading members of its corporation carving up the local patronage. On the hustings he gave an ‘animated speech’ justifying his political conduct and reiterated his ‘determination to support’ Catholic emancipation.
He has lately had several grievous misfortunes which have pressed heavily upon him; he was very much attached to his wife (who was by the bye as disagreeable and vulgar a woman as I ever saw) but he was very fond of her and she died; then his brother failed as a Waterford banker, shot himself and left ... Sir John to settle the embarrassments of the house as he could; he had then no relation left but a nephew in the dragoons, and he is rendered incapable by a paralytic seizure at 35. Sir John is come to end his asthmatic days in England.
Add. 75962, Grenville to Spencer, 30 Nov. 1820.
Writing to Holland, 4 Dec. 1820, he added, ‘Newport is ... much out of spirits’ but ‘says all is quiet in Ireland’.
Newport condemned the removal of Queen Caroline’s name from the liturgy, 26 Jan., and spoke and voted steadily in the opposition campaign on her behalf, deprecating the ‘entanglement of political prejudices’ and ‘established religion’, 13 Feb. 1821. He protested that an address to the king in the London Gazette complaining of the ‘insolence’ of the opposition was a breach of privilege, 1 Feb., and secured the concurrence of the House next day. (He had been appointed to the select committee on privileges, 24 Jan.) That February he spoke regularly against the Irish estimates and repeatedly berated ministers for their failure to produce detailed accounts. He warned the House that if they ‘refused’ to disfranchise Grampound ‘they would inflict a greater injury upon their own character in the eyes of the people, than could be effected by any other means’, 12 Feb., and voted in favour of Leeds becoming a scot and lot borough if it received Grampound’s seats, 2 Mar. He divided for parliamentary reform, 9 May 1821, 25 Apr. 1822, 24 Apr. 1823, 27 Apr. 1826, reform of the Scottish electoral system, 2 June 1823, and of Edinburgh’s representation, 26 Feb. 1824, 13 Apr. 1826. On 22 Feb. 1821 he condemned the military dispersal of a county meeting by the Dublin sheriff as a ‘gross outrage’ and voted for inquiry. He voted for Catholic claims, 28 Feb. 1821 (as a pair), 1 Mar. 1825, 21 Apr., 10 May 1825, and moved the order of the day for going into committee on the relief bill, 23, 27 Mar. 1821, when he drew attention to the lack of ‘invidious distinctions’ of religion abroad. On 29 Mar. Joseph Phillimore* informed the marquess of Buckingham that he had been ‘shut up all the morning with Sir John Newport and co. on the subject of the clauses relating to the securities’, and that to counter the anticipated opposition to the third reading, he was going to meet Newport at Lord Castlereagh’s* ‘to consider the propriety of some alterations which have been suggested as expedient’.
Newport gave a ‘gloomy account’ of the state of rebellion in Ireland at Holland House, 2 Feb. 1822, when he told Sir James Mackintosh* that he ‘believed that Lord Liverpool is about to resign, that the duke of Wellington, who is said to be a convert to Catholic emancipation, is to succeed him, and that Catholic emancipation is to be carried’.
Newport repelled in the strongest terms the accusation of any intention to impute blame to the present government of Ireland, and he told me privately that he was very sorry to hear that great pains were taken to impress you with an opinion that he had intended to cast some reflection on your government and I really believe that the fear of incurring this charge was one of his principal motives for not pressing his proposed address to a division.
Add. 37315, Richard Wellesley to Wellesley, 25 Apr. 1822.
He denounced the ‘dreadful’ imposition of tithes on Irish potatoes and demanded their commutation, warning that their collection would produce ‘tumult and insurrection’, 15 May. ‘Newport ... sees his way very clearly’ but ‘I doubt his being fully aware of the obstacles’, Plunket advised Holland, 18 May.
On 4 Jan. 1823 Lord Donoughmore reported hearing from Newport on the Catholic question, which its supporters ‘all agree ... should be brought on as soon as possible’ and ‘disposed of before the commencement of the spring circuits’.
Newport spoke and was a minority teller for his own motion for information on the legality of Catholic burials, 6 Feb. 1824. ‘If Newport would have left it alone it would have been best, but having mooted it ... we must deal with it’, remarked Williams Wynn.
Newport attacked ministers for their ‘system of coercion’ towards Ireland, 4 Feb. 1825. He cautioned against suppression of the Catholic Association, citing the ‘fearful dangers’ of attempting to stifle discontent and the lesson of the American war of independence, 15 Feb., and voted accordingly that day and 21, 25 Feb. He presented petitions in the Association’s support and divided for it to be heard at the bar of the House, 18 Feb., and was one of the Members who met the deputation of its leaders, 20 Feb.
most artfully passed through several of its stages at unreasonable hours and finally, although I had again and again announced to Goulburn my intention of laying before the House ... my decided opposition to it, the last stages were delayed until circumstances had compelled me to quit London, and then it was expedited on its progress ... I shall most certainly take an early opportunity of urging ... next session the reconsideration of the entire subject.
Add. 51832, Newport to Holland, 17 July 1825.
True to his word, on 16 Feb. 1826 he protested at the Lords’ removal of the ‘principal clauses’ limiting expenditure and enabling parishioners to appeal against burdensome rates, and unsuccessfully moved a series of resolutions condemning their actions. He spoke in favour of the Liverpool and Manchester railway bill, saying it was the duty of the legislature to ‘increase the facilities of conveyance’, 2 Mar. 1825. During the negotiations over the Catholic relief bill that month, he agreed to introduce the accompanying bills for provision for the Catholic clergy and regulation of the Irish freeholder franchise.
Newport declined to attend the Association dinner for the ‘friends of civil and religious liberty’, 2 Feb. 1826.
At the 1826 general election he was again returned for Waterford unopposed. On the hustings he declared that ‘increasing years were making him somewhat feeble, and he could not be expected to be as active as before, but in zeal for the benefit of his constituents he would yield to none’. He concluded by appealing for the Catholic question to be forwarded with ‘temperance’ as well as ‘firmness’.
tells me that many of our friends feel and express great dissatisfaction. One in particular wrote him that he supposed Peel would be the next person introduced into the cabinet. Was there ever more exaggerated prejudice than that of not seeing the distinction between Peel and Herries?
Add. 51833.
In October 1827 Sir James Macdonald* informed Lansdowne that Goderich was ‘warmly disposed towards Newport’ becoming Irish vice-treasurer on the retirement of Sir George Hill*, who was anxious to leave office, but nothing came of it.
After the collapse of the ministry, Newport told Holland that he and Duncannon had ‘for some time’ believed ‘that poor Goderich ... was so absolutely deficient in the nerve and firmness of a statesman as to be wholly unsuited to take the lead in times like the present, and that the fabric disjointed by his vacillation must soon fall to pieces’, 15 Jan. 1828.
Following Anglesey’s recall Newport chaired a Waterford meeting in his support, 15 Jan. 1829.
At the 1830 general election it was rumoured that he would retire from Waterford, where the recently ‘opened’ corporation had renounced any further involvement in the representation. In the event, however, he offered again, stressing his 26 years’ political service and opposition to O’Connell’s campaign for repeal of the Union. ‘For God’s sake will nobody rid us of this nominee’, protested the Waterford Mail, adding, ‘Little Johnny is an alderman and he is at the very bottom of those humbug new rules ... of the corporation ... He is an excursive patriot and disdains to point to any services he ... has performed near home’. Attempts to get up an opposition came to nothing, however, and he was again returned.
rather with the object of eliciting discussion than any idea of taking on myself the task far too heavy for me ... of planning or carrying through the necessary reforms ... I withdrew [the resolutions] on Althorp’s declaration that the subject was under consideration of the government ... and on Peel’s objection to coming to a vote upon them without their remaining for a time before the House ... In almost every county of Ireland the inequality of the assessment is severely felt and ... I consider it vicious in its foundation.
Lansdowne mss.
He was appointed to the select committee on reducing the salaries of office-holders, 9 Dec., and secured information on the Irish civil list, 15 Dec. He called for repeal of the Irish seaborne coal tax, 17 Dec. 1830, 8 Feb. 1831. On 20 Dec. 1830 he rebutted criticism of the Grey ministry’s Irish appointments, remarking on the ‘hardship that an administration but three weeks in existence should be thus arraigned’.
At the ensuing general election he again defied local expectations that he would retire and stood for re-election as a supporter of the ‘whole’ reform bill, regretting that ‘advanced age and infirm health’ would ‘wholly disable’ him from attending in person. Following the last minute withdrawal of an opponent he was returned unopposed, with his nephew William Newport, ‘a barrister’, acting as his representative.
The bishop of Cork is dead and this vacancy would afford as I think a signal opportunity for Lord Grey to commence an admirable reform of the Irish church establishment, by uniting the diocese with Cloyne ... and appropriating the revenues either to the first fruits fund or other public uses. I anxiously wish that ... the cabinet would consider this well before you decided on filling it up.
Add. 51836, Newport to Holland [12 June 1831].
He cautioned against discussing the Newtownbarry massacre prior to inquiry, 23 June, but spoke and voted for printing the Waterford petition for disarming the Irish yeomanry, 11 Aug. ‘It is lamentable that even Newport ... divided against government’, observed Holland.
Newport was appointed to the select committee on Irish tithes, 15 Dec. 1831. He was absent from the division on the second reading of the revised English reform bill, 17 Dec. 1831, but presented and endorsed a favourable constituency petition, 23 Jan., and paired for the enfranchisement of Tower Hamlets, 28 Feb., and the third reading, 22 Mar. 1832. On 10 Feb. a colleague postponed his tabled motion on Irish first fruits on account of his ‘indisposition’. That month Holland noted that Newport and others ‘of our best Irish friends’ were satisfied that Smith Stanley’s Irish tithes legislation was ‘safe’.
He hardly means to return to England again and it is at least a painful consequence of retrenchment if it be not some reproach upon us all that so able, steadfast and honest a member of our party should retire to poverty in his old age without having been able to procure an employment however small for his only nephew and I believe heir, if he has enough to entitle those who come after him to any such appellation.
‘You ought to know that dear little Johnny has not been overlooked’, Anglesey corrected, 1 July, observing that he had ‘already ... at his request, appointed one of his nephews to the situation of stipendiary magistrate, worth £500 a year, and another relation to a living of more than £300 a year’.
Depend on it the landed proprietors of the country cannot if they would and will not if they could generally undertake the perilous responsibility of the collection of either the tithe or its substitute ... The settlement can in my mind only be effected by the state becoming paymasters of the church and indemnify itself by a land tax during the continuance of the outstanding bishop’s leases so as to provide for existing interests of bishops and clergy. This is I believe now practicable. How long it will remain so I cannot so easily foresee, but in this as in former instances procrastination will I fear prove the curse of Ireland.
Add. 51837, Newport to Holland, 17 July [1832].
Writing in similar terms to Lansdowne, with whom he claimed to have acted ‘in perfect unison’ for ‘so many years’, 30 Sept. 1832, he explained that in his resignation address to his constituents:
I felt myself bound ... to impress on my countrymen my conviction of the unjustifiable and perilous extent to which O’Connell and other agitators desire for their own depraved and selfish objects to commit the people of Ireland ... to ... wild and ruinous proceedings.
Lansdowne mss, Newport to Lansdowne, 30 Sept. 1832.
At the 1832 dissolution he duly retired from Waterford on account of ‘advanced age and infirm health’, and in the ensuing election publicly supported the unsuccessful candidature of Thomas Wyse* against a local Repealer.
Newport died in February 1843, aged 87, the ‘infirmities natural to an advanced age’ having had ‘so gradual an effect on his constitution’ that his friends ‘scarcely noticed the slow but sure symptoms of decay’. He was succeeded in the baronetcy by his brother’s only surviving son, the Rev. John Newport (1800-59).
