Cavendish’s ancestors took their name from a Suffolk manor, where they were established in the fourteenth century, and first entered Parliament in 1377. Cavendish’s grandfather, a younger son, became treasurer of the chamber to Henry VIII, and transformed himself into a Derbyshire magnate by large grants of ex-monastic land, including Chatsworth, and by marriage to the formidable ‘Bess of Hardwick’.
Cavendish was brought up at Hardwick Hall, where his education was entrusted to a series of tutors. Robert Bruen, brother of the celebrated puritan squire, John Bruen of Cheshire,
In early 1610 Cavendish was granted a licence to travel, presumably to round off his education, but there is no evidence that it was utilized.
Cavendish obtained a pass overseas four days after the dissolution and fled abroad as soon as his privilege expired with Hobbes, who was one of his sureties. The creditors sued the under-sheriffs, and were themselves prosecuted at Cavendish’s instance for usury.
Cavendish was joined with his father in the lieutenancy of Derbyshire before the next election, and thereafter was elected to the senior county seat so long as he remained eligible. In the third Jacobean Parliament he was appointed to 23 committees and made three speeches. He was named to the committee for privileges on 5 Feb. 1621, and a week later was among those instructed to draft the petition for free speech.
When Parliament resumed, Cavendish opened the debate on tobacco (18 April). His motion to exempt the produce of Virginia and the Somers Islands from the ban on imports was accepted, and on 3 May he was appointed to the committee to restrain smoking.
In the bitter dispute over the running of the Virginia Company, Cavendish sided with the 3rd earl of Southampton and Sir Edwin Sandys* against the 2nd earl of Warwick (Sir Robert Rich*). On 13 May 1623 he was placed under house arrest for libelling Warwick, but was released five days later on making his apology.
Re-elected in 1624, Cavendish was one of those deputed by the lord steward to administer the oaths of allegiance and supremacy to his fellow members.
It is proved that he was a projector in the business of the Court of Wards, for he got it put into the hands of the court, where he could rule, whereas before it was referred to ten of the Council. In raising the Benevolence, when some would give thus much, he set them down more, and committed them to pursuivants, and threatened etc.
‘Earle 1624’, f. 142; Holles 1624, p. 82.
After the debate he was sent to the Lords to ask for a conference on the charges.
In the first Caroline Parliament Cavendish was appointed to nine committees, including the committee for privileges (21 June), and frequently carried messages between the Houses.
Disillusionment with Charles’s attitude to Parliament and his close friendship with Sir James Fullerton*, who had married Lord Bruce’s widow, drew Cavendish into the 3rd earl of Pembroke’s political circle, and in the second Caroline Parliament, according to (Sir) James Bagg II*, ‘whilst he was of that House [he] was the abettor of all that faction’.
On 24 Feb. the discussion turned to the king’s revenue, whereupon Cavendish gave a long narrative of political events from 1621, in which he argued that the advice of Commons, which was at first neglected, had ‘afterwards proved the best’. He stated that the Commons had been ‘ever faithful’, and instanced their willingness to vote supply in 1621 ‘before any laws passed’ and their making ‘the bravest protestation that ever Parliament made’ in support of the Palatinate. Instead of receiving thanks for these actions, he complained, the 3rd earl of Southampton and Sir Edwin Sandys had been imprisoned ‘for their forwardness in the queen of Bohemia’s cause’. Moreover, the 1621 Parliament had been dissolved because its Members were ‘thought too busy in things above’, and those ‘that spoke their consciences’ were imprisoned. Two years later Prince Charles had gone to Spain, ‘to the amazement of the world and the terror of all honest men’. When Parliament met again in 1624, ‘counsel which before rejected was now followed’. The improved atmosphere had turned sour in 1625, however, for after having voted two subsidies the Crown had encouraged Members to return home only to make a new motion for supply ‘in an empty House’. After the Parliament was adjourned to Oxford the Commons made ‘as large offer to help the king’, but its best endeavours were thwarted by the Crown’s own ministers, who ‘dared not encourage this fleet’. After this lengthy and somewhat inaccurate rehearsal of recent events, Cavendish moved that the Commons should ‘give the king notice of the counsels of former Parliaments that prospered and then desire him to take the counsel of this Parliament’, implicitly making this a condition of supply.
Cavendish spoke twice in grand committee concerning the defence of the kingdom on 25 Feb., first to propose that they start with consideration of the defence of the coast and then to argue that Sir Robert Mansell* should give inform to a ‘private committee’ about the Navy.
Devonshire paid his Forced Loan assessment of £600 in November 1626 and was subsequently active in implementing the Loan in Derbyshire. However, when he received a Privy Seal demanding a further £600 in January 1628 he refused to pay.
