Grant, a commissioner of bankrupts from 1815, was fatter and marginally less indolent than his elder brother Charles, who relied on him for moral support in his frequent moments of indecision, but he remained in his political shadow.
Since I enter into Parliament as a business, as part of my system of life, I must look forward ... and, acting on the supposition ... that life is spared to me until the average period, must provide if possible that I may not be again left in the lurch ... and may not either suffer the inconvenience (which, suffered a second time, would be irreparable) of completely cutting up my course of life, or purchase an exemption from it at an expense which neither I nor any member of my family could ever have well endured, but which we are now less able to endure than ever ... The next general election ... is not likely to take place at least for three [years] ... So long a delay ... must swallow up ... the best years of life. Even if I considered not myself but my family, I must think of [Charles], abandoned by every public connection and standing in the House of Commons without a single friend. To him, in his present situation, it must be important to have at least one supporter on whom he can rely.
In response to Calthorpe’s criticism that ‘some more explicit statement’ of his ‘political sentiments’ was required than was contained in his first circular (the work of his friends), he said that he had thought it best to let it be assumed that ‘I am of my brother’s politics’. If more was wanted, he was
perfectly willing to have it given out that my politics are those of an independent person, willing to support government, and from principle inclined to uphold establishments; yet ready, in a clear and strong case, to take his own line resolutely, and at all events not to vote against his conscience ... I would vote with government where I could ... Where I could not, I would rather stay away than vote against them; but ... in a third class of cases, I would even vote against them rather than stay away ... I should not choose to pledge myself in any way. Even did I pledge myself, that pledge must be partly contingent, depending on what may be the future conduct of government, which surely (and especially after the recent change [Canning’s return to office]) cannot be considered as altogether a given quantity.
Hants RO, Calthorpe mss 26M62/F/C 545.
The intervention of the Whig James Scarlett* and the anti-Catholic William Bankes* dished Grant, who ungraciously withdrew four days before the election. Macaulay, like Charles John Shore, felt that he had damaged himself by his equivocation on the Catholic question:
He not only shrank from explanation ... but in his circular letter of resignation he absolutely complained of being considered as a supporter of the claims and represented the unfairness of attacking, on that ground, a person who had never spoken on the subject, and who had merely given one silent vote on it.
Colchester Diary, iii. 262; Cambridge Chron. 22 Nov. 1822; Teignmouth, i. 302-3; Macaulay Letters, i. 223.
A threat to his position in Inverness Burghs in 1824 petered out, and by early 1825 the seat seemed ‘as secure as anything human can be’.
Grant, whose brother had been vice-president of the board of trade since April 1823, was named to the select committee on the Arigna Mining Company, 5 Dec. 1826, and wrote and presented its report, 3 Apr. 1827.
Charles Grant joined the duke of Wellington’s ministry as president of the board of trade with his associates Huskisson and Lord Palmerston* in January 1828, and Robert was put up to second the address on the 29th, when John Croker* thought he did ‘very well’, but was ‘nothing remarkable’.
On 10 Feb. 1829 he argued that Peel, the home secretary, had failed to justify the introduction of a bill to outlaw the Catholic Association, but said he would accept it in order to secure ‘the great blessings’ of Catholic emancipation; the Whig George Agar Ellis* thought his speech was ‘admirable’.
Grant joined his brother in voting for Knatchbull’s amendment to the address, 4 Feb. 1830. He was named to the select committees on the East India Company, 9 Feb., and vestries, 10 Feb., and added to that on manufacturing employment, 3 June. After discussing the matter with Charles and John Denison*, he voted for the transfer of East Retford’s seats to Birmingham, 11 Feb. (and again, 5 Mar.), the enfranchisement of Birmingham, Leeds and Manchester, 23 Feb., and investigation of the allegations of the duke of Newcastle’s interference at Newark, 1 Mar., but divided against Lord Blandford’s reform scheme, 18 Feb.
The government made a dead set at the Grants at the ensuing general election, but failed to keep them out of the new Parliament. In normal circumstances Robert could have expected to come in again for the Burghs, where Inverness had the return, but he had caused ‘offence’ there and discovered that Bught and his colleagues on the council had transferred their support to a ministerialist.
Grant dismissed opposition complaints at the omission of any reference to Divine Providence in the speech from the throne, 22 June 1831. He voted for the second reading of the reintroduced reform bill, 6 July (when Lord Grey complained at a dinner party that ‘the two Grants’ had ‘never been worth a farthing’ in their contribution to the ministry),
Grant sat in the gallery for the introduction of the revised reform bill, 12 Dec. 1831.
two or three nights since, Tom, in endeavouring to get up to some high benches in the House, stumbled over Mr. R. Grant’s legs, as he was stretched out half asleep as usual. Being roused, he made many apologies in the usual manner, and then added, oddly enough, ‘I am very sorry, indeed, to stand in the way of your mounting’.
Macaulay, ii. 230, 233-4.
Grant defended courts martial as ‘efficient and impartial’, 2 Apr., and opposed Hunt’s motion for the suspension of army flogging, 19 June, when he said that the authorities were working towards its abolition. On 3 Apr. he got leave to introduce a bill to fix the Norfolk assizes at Norwich, which passed its second reading by 44-13, 23 May, and received royal assent on 23 June (2 and 3 Gul. IV, c. 47).
At the general election of 1832 Grant, whom Macaulay had come to regard as ‘a regular twaddle’, topped the poll for the new metropolitan constituency of Finsbury.
