Eden first contemplated a career at the bar, began practice on the northern circuit, and in 1773 published a book on penal law; but he soon decided that politics offered more chance of advancement. Through Alexander Wedderburn he obtained the post of under-secretary to Lord Suffolk. About this time he told Wedderburn: ‘I love politics better than law (and this not from caprice, for I feel it to be the natural bent of my inclination).’ In fact he found the law hard going and uncongenial. ‘I have a turn for business, none for oratory.’
Seeking a seat in Parliament Eden showed extraordinary caution. He refused offers from Clive (not a good life) and also from Suffolk,
Eden fully supported the American war. He wrote, in December 1777:
When I first came into Parliament ... there was at that moment no alternative but ‘war or separation’. All retrospect to the causes of such an alternative were idle; it was necessary to take a choice; and in doing so, I was not influenced either by the popular cry or by political connexions. As an individual of a family possessing considerable interests both in Great Britain and America I was naturally indisposed to a separation evidently mischievous to both countries, but still further as an English gentleman, inheriting my share of that English pride which I never wish to lose, I could not bear to see a dismemberment of the Empire without running every hazard to prevent it.
And in another letter:
We have full conviction, indeed, that the Americans are no cowards, but that is no reason with us against fighting them, and all the world if necessary, in a just and honourable cause.
Though he took little part in debate, except to support in 1776 a criminal law amendment bill in which he was interested, he increasingly gained North’s confidence. After Saratoga, he, with Wedderburn, was called into consultation about future tactics in Parliament.
The change made in the commission was my own private negotiation, and gives me much better hopes than I had before. Governor Johnstone is particularly favourable in his opinions towards me personally, is manly and right-headed on the points in question, is of much weight among the most violent Americans, and in his whole character active, decisive, and bold.
Add. 34415, ff. 247, 325.
Wedderburn ‘was very desirous his friend should succeed in the negotiations, and the instructions were most liberally framed for that purpose, so diametrically against his former conduct’.
After going with such high hopes to America, Eden’s indignation was beyond all bounds when he found, on arrival at Philadelphia, that the ministers had secretly sent instructions for its evacuation, as part of the new dispositions in consequence of the French entry into the war. On this sole point Eden afterwards blamed the failure of the commission, since he claimed that it made it impossible for the commissioners to negotiate from strength. His animus was kindled particularly against Germain and Sandwich. On his return home his anger increased, when he found no inclination on the ministers’ part to defend the activities of the commission or to show approval by giving promotion to its members. In order to force the ministry to pay due attention to his pretensions he threatened to call in Parliament for papers relating to the withdrawal from Philadelphia, a move which, it was understood, would draw the support of Carlisle and Marlborough. He told Marlborough that Sandwich and Germain ought to be forced out of office. But he did not disclose to him the personal motives for his actions, which were apparent enough in the ultimatum he sent to North:
I certainly have not deserved the insinuation conveyed in your letter, that the proposed measure is adopted on a speculation that your Government is sinking—unless you admit at the same time that I have with the warmest and most honourable attachment to you suggested, urged, and attempted everything that might establish it on a firmer foundation ... The long letter which I wrote on the subject near four weeks ago to the attorney-general ... is a very sufficient proof that I arrived in England with a disposition to labour in your service to the last gasp of our political lives. The sentiments however which were then allowed to be so just and proper (and so pressing too in point of time) have not produced the slightest effect either public or personal; on the contrary our public embarrassment and every personal cause of complaint have been suffered to grow worse, and at this moment I am to choose among the three following lines of conduct.
1. I may continue in possession of a very inconsiderable office and greatly lowered from the situation which I held before I left England and answer through the session all such unpleasant questions as may be asked me; precluded from giving the only answers that may do credit to myself and justice to the public expectations. In short I may embrace various disadvantages and disgraces as the volunteer of a Government for which I have already sacrificed much and hazarded more, and for which I have met with nothing in return but disregard and neglect; and from a Government too, which, constituted as it now is, will I believe in my conscience tend very fast to its own dissolution after adding more calamities to those under which the King’s fortunes at present labour.
2. If that Government were really ... so circumstanced in the state of national parties, that it cannot be strengthened by the fairest attempts of your Lordship to strengthen it, I might not unnecessarily say, ‘I will not on the one hand impair the very small chance that I see remaining in favour of the public, on the contrary I will concentrate to improve that chance by suggesting anything that may do good and by labouring to give energy and activity wherever I can.’ But in return I expect (not as a matter of favour but of fair pretension) before I proceed one step in so hazardous a path to have my own situation made both creditable and secure and to see those with whom I am connected in this discussion previously satisfied.
3. I may take the manly part of bringing before the public a question which is the key to all my conduct in America, which leads to great consequences in every point of view, and upon which so far as it respects either measures or men, I should have the concurrence and countenance of the kingdom.
Three days later he told North that the price of his silence was an office or reversion worth £600 p.a., and satisfaction for Carlisle and Johnstone. His insistence that the Government ought to be re-shaped and strengthened hardly camouflaged his implication, that he was open to persuasion that this was impracticable, and would then give support—provided his demands were satisfied. To the King’s disgust, he tried to secure a pension for life, in the name of his wife. This was refused, and he agreed to accept one at pleasure. At the end of February he made some show of finding a successor to Sandwich at the Admiralty—either Keppel or Howe—but soon found that this was impracticable. For the rest of 1779 his efforts were largely spent in trying to force North to provide immediate promotion for Wedderburn and to appoint a secretary of state in succession to Suffolk, more vigorous than Hillsborough to whom North had promised the place. This campaign was abandoned in November, after promises of satisfaction had been made to Wedderburn. During 1779, in pamphlets published as ‘Four Letters to the Earl of Carlisle’, he defended the Government’s policy.
In January 1780, Lord Buckinghamshire, lord lieutenant of Ireland, asked that Eden be sent over as his secretary. Eden declined this opening, telling North, ‘my situation here was not unpleasant, and my hopes of advancement not low, and that I could not therefore think it to my happiness or interest to engage in so very precarious and difficult a situation’.
From December 1780 till April 1782 Eden was in Ireland. He was brought into the Irish House of Commons for Dungannon, and set himself with immense zeal, and no little success, to the task of Irish parliamentary management. He worked loyally but took care to remind North of his merits and of the great expenses he felt bound to incur out of his own pocket. Despite his success with the Irish politicians, he ended his term in Ireland with the conviction that Irish constitutional demands would have to be conceded.
On Rockingham’s succeeding North, Eden at first refused co-operation in Irish matters; but this was purely because of the new ministry’s affront to Carlisle in dismissing him from his Yorkshire lord lieutenancy; and when Carlisle was found a court place, Eden ceased to be troublesome. He even voted for the contractors bill.
It happened to me originally to be engaged in Lord North’s line of politics ... [and] to receive several occasional favours through his friendship ... believing him (as I do) to be both a good and a wise man, and knowing him always to mean well ... I should reproach myself if I were capable of deserting him.
Whenever North should choose, or be obliged, to quit politics,
there is no longer a claim on me from any party whatever, for I have not, nor do I mean to have a party connexion with the other branch of what is called the Coalition.
On the formation of the Coalition Eden obtained the coveted rank of Privy Councillor, but was disappointed to find himself fobbed off with a sinecure instead of ‘an office of business’; nevertheless he made protestations to Fox of his loyalty.
When the Coalition was dismissed Eden promptly resigned his sinecure,
Eden’s appointment virtually ended his career in the Commons. Though he remained a Member for another eight years, he is not known to have spoken there again, and he was almost constantly out of the country on diplomatic duties. About September 1786, when the successful negotiations with France were approaching completion, he was offered the vice-treasurership of Ireland but declined it. In December Orde, the Irish secretary, wrote: ‘I do not wonder that he should have refused ... because he really seems to have lost all temper and decency in the wildness of self-complacency and pretensions’; and added his impression that Eden was being cossetted on the supposition that he might bring Carlisle, Loughborough, and Stormont over to the court.
He died 28 May 1814.
