In 1768 Aubrey successfully contested Wallingford with the support of Lord Abingdon (with whom he had been at Westminster). Aubrey was a fervent admirer of Chatham, whom he described as ‘the greatest minister this country knows’,
In 1774 Aubrey, having by the purchase of Dorton added considerably to his Buckinghamshire estates, decided to stand for the county at the general election;
Aubrey has used me most cruelly and treacherously, I had laboured through thick and thin to secure him a seat in Parliament ... and after having procured him a clear majority, he slips away to Aylesbury and declares himself a candidate for that town, and flings the voters and all my party into the greatest consternation ... He is a most designing, wavering, unsteady chap.
Aubrey strongly opposed the Administration’s American measures, and on 15 May 1775 declared that while the Government persisted in its attempts to tax America he would think himself ‘justified in taking every opportunity of voting on the side of that oppressed, perhaps I might say, devoted people’.
who had neither forced the Cabinet nor ever scrambled for a place ... but who had once already conducted our public affairs with the perfect unanimity of the two Houses of Parliament, as well as that of the nation at large ... his very name alone, were he in power, would more contribute to put a stop to the hostile designs of the House of Bourbon, than all the mighty preparations we had heard so much boasted of.
Stockdale, viii. 131, 159.
Aubrey’s liberal views extended also to Ireland, and during the second reading of the Irish bill, 18 Dec. 1779, he said that he ‘wished to see not only their trade free but their constitution likewise’.
By the summer of 1780 Aubrey had decided not to stand again for Aylesbury, and at the general election was returned once more for Wallingford, apparently unopposed and with Abingdon’s support. After the formation of the Rockingham Administration in 1782 he wrote to Isaac Barré on 31 Mar. that though he was aware that all places were disposed of, he hoped for a distinction ‘in another line’.
perpetual monument to the honour of an Administration who availed themselves of power to no other purpose than to fulfil their promises when out of power; and would be received by the people of England as pledges of a farther and more effectual reformation in the state.
Debrett, vii. 117-19.
Aubrey obtained office under Shelburne, but lost it on the formation of the Coalition. In December 1783 he accepted a lordship of the Treasury from Pitt, but ‘avowed that with me office was not an object, and that an English peerage was what I wished for’.
At the general election of 1784 Aubrey successfully contested Buckinghamshire, his return undoubtedly being assisted by the absence of Lord Verney, his Coalition opponent, who was then living as a bankrupt in France. It was an expensive election; according to Aubrey himself, ‘the expenses ... were such, that they could have been endured by very few fortunes’.
Till this chasm in Parliament shall be filled [he declared on 22 Dec.
Stockdale, xvi. 146-8. ] I cannot assent to joining in any vote, or any other business of the House, beyond voting for a previous question, or some other question tending to prevent our further acting as a House. When this chasm shall be properly filled up, when the Parliament shall be full by a representation of the King, I shall cheerfully and heartily concur in the seemingly general sentiment of making the heir apparent sole Regent.
And though denying any connexion with the Opposition, he further declared that ‘the argument for restriction of the Prince as a Regent seems more to favour of prejudice against a particular party in the state, than to concern the general and public welfare’.
Our rats ... all showed their tails on last night’s motion. ... Sir John Aubrey, rat-major, receiving his emoluments of the Treasury for five years, and declaring himself unconnected with any, afforded a subject of a general laugh.
Aubrey himself professed surprise at the Administration’s reaction to his defection, and when no longer summoned to meetings of the Treasury Board, wrote to Pitt on 3 March:
For this I can no otherwise account than by supposing that the explanation of my sentiments on the equally important and distressful Regency business, first to yourself in private, and afterwards to the House of Commons, was offensive to you. ... But ... neither the degree and kind of difference in sentiments between you and me, nor any circumstances attending that difference, were such, as according to my view of the case could justify the least suspicion of my being influenced in my conduct by any bias towards the party in opposition to your Administration.
He then repeated at great length his arguments in the House, and denied that he had ‘in any degree mixed the affair of the peerage with a consideration so entirely foreign’. Since his speech on the Regency he had adhered to his vow not to vote. He had refrained from resigning during the crisis, but the situation having now been restored by the King’s recovery, he, though still unconnected with the Opposition, offered his resignation, which could ‘be no longer delayed without seeming to acquiesce in the justice of your slight to me’. No further vote or speech by Aubrey is reported before 1790, but soon afterwards he went into opposition and voted with Fox during the French war.
He died 14 Mar. 1826.
